Optimism   and   Pessimism 


in  the 


Old  and  New  Testaments 


A  DISSERTATION 

Resented  to  the  Board  of  University  Studies  of  the 

Johns  Hopkins  University  for  the  Degree 

of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,   1900 


by 
Adolf  Guttmacher 


BALTIMORE,  MD. 
1903 


Optimism  and  Pessimism  in  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments 


Optimism   and   Pessimism 

in  the 

Old  and  New  Testaments 


A  DISSERTATION 

Presented  to  the  Board  of  University  Studies  of  the 

Johns  Hopkins  University  for  the  Degree 

of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  1900 


by 
Adolf  Guttmacher 


BALTIMORE,  MD. 
1903 


COPYRIGHT,   1903,  BY  ADOLF  GUTTMACHER 


THE  FRIEDENWALD  COMPANY 
BALTIMORE,  MD.,  U.  S.  A. 


DEDICATED 

TO 
THE  MEMORY 

OF 
MY   PARENTS 


111996 


PREFACE 


The  subject  of  this  investigation  is  too  broad  and  too 
complex  to  receive  exhaustive  treatment  within  the 
pages  of  one  volume.  Yet,  I  may  hope,  to  have  contrib- 
uted something  toward  a  better  knowledge  of  the  phil- 
osophy of  life  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  The 
many  problems  involved  in  the  investigation  have  been 
discussed  in  an  impartial  philosophical  spirit,  uninflu- 
enced by  theological  bias. 

Due  credit  has  been  given  in  footnotes  to  all  whose 
researches  have  been  helpful  to  me.  I  welcome  this 
opportunity  to  express  my  best  thanks  to  my  honored 
teacher,  Prof.  Paul  Haupt,  for  the  assistance  given  me 
in  the  pursuit  of  my  work.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to 
my  esteemed  friend,  Eabbi  Clifton  H.  Levy,  who  has 
kindly  looked  through  the  sheets  of  the  entire  work. 

ADOLF  GOTTMAOHEE. 

Baltimore,  Md.,  November,  1902. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 18 

CHAPTER  I. 
View  of  the  World— Persia,  Greece,  India    81 

CHAPTER  II. 
View  of  the  World  in  the  Old  Testament 27 

CHAPTER  III. 
Origin  and  View  of  Evil  in  the  Old  Testament 33 

CHAPTER  IV. 
View  of  Life  in  the  Old  Testament 57 

CHAPTER  V. 
Reward  and  Punishment  in  the  Old  Testament 91 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Messianism  in  the  Old  Testament 115 

CHAPTER  VII. 
Resurrection  in  the  Old  Testament 151 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
The  Talmud 167 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Christianity,  Buddhism  and  Essenism 181 

CHAPTER  X. 
The  Kingdom  of  God  and  the  Messiah    191 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Pauline  Christianity 205 


10  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XII. 
View  of  the  World  and  of  Life  in  the  New  Testament   213 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Sin,  Atonement,  Satan,  in  the  New  Testament 231 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Conclusion 241 

EXCURSUS   I.     Eden 243 

EXCURSUS  II.     Ecclesiastes    .   247 


ABBREVIATIONS  AND  SYMBOLS 


A.  R.  V American  Revised  Version  of  the  Bible. 

D Deuteronomy  (original  document). 

Dt Additions  to  Deuteronomy. 

E Elohistic  document. 

H Law  of  Holiness. 

Int.  J.  of  Ethics. . .  .International  Journal  of  Ethics. 

J Jahvistic  document. 

J.  A.  O.  S Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

J.  Q.  R Jewish  Quarterly  Review. 

K.  A.  T Die  Keilinschrif ten  und  das  Alte  Testament 

(Schrader). 
Kautzsch's  A.  T Die   Heilige   Schrift  des  Alten   Testaments. 

Ed.  by  E.  Kautzsch. 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.. Die   Apokryphen   und  Pseudepigraphen  des 

Alten  Testaments.     Ed.  by  E.  Kautzsch. 

LXX Septuagint. 

M Massoretic  Text. 

N.  T New  Testament. 

O.  T Old  Testament. 

P.  B The   Sacred  Books  of    the   Old   Testament. 

Ed.  by  Paul  Haupt. 

R.  S Revue  Semitique. 

R.  V Revised  Version  of  the  English  Bible. 

Z.  A.  T Zeitschrift  fur  die  alttestamentliche  Wissen- 

schaft. 
Z.  D.  M.  G Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  Morgenlandischen 

Gesellschaft. 


INTRODUCTION 


The  terms  Optimism  and  Pessimism  are  of  compara- 
tively recent  date.  Optimism  became  current  in  the 
first  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  to  designate  the  doc- 
trine of  the  German  philosopher  Gottfried  Wilhelm  von 
Leibnitz  (1646-1716),  that  this  is  the  best  possible 
world.1  Pessimism  as  a  designation  for  a  system  of 
philosophy  originated  with  Arthur  Schopenhauer  (1788- 
1860),  who  contends  that  this  is  the  worst  of  all  pos- 
sible worlds.2  A  similar  system  of  Pessimism  was  later 
developed  by  Eduard  von  Hartmann  (1842 — ).  The 
fact  that  every  human  being  desires  to  be  happy,  but 
does  not  find  happiness,  furnishes  him  the  basis  for  his 

1  Leibnitz  endeavors  to  prove  in  the  Theodic£e,  published 
in  1710,  that  our  world,  among  all  possible  worlds,  is  the 
best,  and  that  physical  and  moral  evil  are  the  consequences 
of  man's  limitation  and  imperfection,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  evil  is  considered  as  a  means  for  ultimate  good.     Here 
Optimism  reaches  its  philosophic  culmination.    Wickedness 
is  thus  tolerated  as  a  condition,  sine  qua  non,  in  a  world 
which  but  for  it  would  not  possess  magnanimity  and  a  host 
of  other  virtues.     See  also  M.  Kayserling.     Moses  Mendels- 
sohn, Leipzig,  1888,  p.  464. 

2  Schopenhauer  calls  the  arguments  Leibnitz  advances,  to 
show  that  this  is  the  best  of  all  possible  worlds,  sophistical. 
Instead  of  being  the  best  of  all  possible  worlds,  Schopen- 
hauer contends  that  it  is  the  worst  of  all  possible  worlds 
(Schopenhauer:  Die  Welt  als  Wille  und  Vorstellung,  Gries- 
bach  ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  687). 


14  INTRODUCTION 

philosophical  system  of  Pessimism.8  Hartmann  calls 
Kant  the  father  of  modern  Pessimism.  To  his  fortieth 
year  Kant  was  an  optimist,  a  follower  of  the  Leibnitz- 
Wolf  school,  later  he  became  a  pessimist.4 

But  long  ere  the  terms  Optimism  and  Pessimism  were 
coined,  Optimism  and  Pessimism  existed  as  veins  of  feel- 
ing and  of  belief.  These  may  readily  be  traced  through 
the  poetry  and  the  religion  of  all  peoples  that  had  a 
literature.  Pessimism  is  as  old  as  mankind.  It 
abounds  in  the  religious  speculations  of  Buddha,0  and 
long  before  him  is  met  with  in  the  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions.6 

The  purpose  of  this  dissertation  is  to  point  out  the 
optimistic  and  pessimistic  thoughts  and  tendencies  in 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  In  doing  so,  we  strenu- 
ously avoid  following  the  little  currents  that  spring 
from  the  subjective  or  personal  experience  of  this  or  that 

3  Hartmann:  Das  Religiose  Bewusstsein  der  Menschheit, 
Leipzig,  1888,  p.  27. 

4  Cf.  Hartmann:  Zur  Gesch.  imd  Begriindung  des  Pessimis- 
mus,  2d  ed.,  Lpzg.,  1891,  pp.  64  ff.     Cf.  Goeitein:  Der  Optim- 
ismus  und  Pessimismus,  Berlin,  1890,  p.  V,  note  2.    Also, 
Kant's  essay  in  "  Berliner  Monatsschrift  "  (1781),  "  Uber  das 
Misslingen   aller   philosophischen   Versuche   in    der    Theo- 
dicSe." 

8 Buddha  lived  in  the  sixth  century  B.C.  Buddhism 
teaches  that  to  live  on  earth  is  weariness,  and  that  there  is 
no  bliss  beyond.  Cf.  Hopkins:  The  Religions  of  India, 
Boston,  1895,  p.  316. 

6  Cf.  Haupt:  The  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  in  Oriental  Studies, 
Boston,  1894,  pp.  249-250;  comp.  Notes  20  and  21,  p.  267. 


INTRODUCTION  1 5 

individual;  for  no  individual,  however  great,  mirrors 
in  himself  all  the  aspirations  and  activities  of  his  time. 
We  have  walked  up  and  down  the  shores  of  life's  broad 
river  in  search  of  the  longings  and  aspirations,  the  joys 
and  sorrows,  the  virtues  and  vices,  of  the  men  and 
women  who  lived  during  the  time  covered  by  the  term 
"biblical." 

The  terms  Optimism  and  Pessimism  we  use  in  the 
broad  sense  of  philosophy  to  denote  two  specific  theories 
Df  life.     Optimism  affirms  existence  as  essentially  good 
md  conducive  to  happiness.     In  brief,  existence  is  pre- 
ferable to  non-existence.     Nor  could  it  be  otherwise,  the 
>ptimist  asserts  in  a  world  called  into  being  by  a  Cre- 
itor  of  infinite  goodness  and  wisdom.    Pessimism  affirms 
hat  existence  when  summed  up,  has  an  enormous  sur- 
>lus  of  pain  over  pleasure,  and  that  real  good  can  only 
>e  had  by  abnegation  and  self-sacrifice.     It  thus  con- 
ludes,  that  non-existence  is  better  than  existence.     Op- 
imism  denies  that  there  is  anything  evil,  if  the  Uni- 
erse  be  considered  as  a  whole,  but  not  that  there  are 
lany  particular  evils  in  the  world.    Pessimism  denies 
iat  there  is  anything  really  good  in  relation  to  the 
Tniverse  as  a  whole,  but  not  that  there  are  some  things 
ood  as  regards  the  particular  interests  of  particular 
aings.    The  main  distinction  between  Optimism  and 
essimism  is,  that  while  the  former  looks  upon  evil  as 
mporary  and  alterable,  the  latter  regards  it  as  final 
id  unalterable. 


16  INTRODUCTION 

Schopenhauer  states/  that  the  characteristics  of  Juda- 
ism are  Realism  and  Optimism,  views  of  the  world  that 
furnish  the  main  elements  for  a  Theistic  belief.  If 
there  he  an  infinite  God  possessed  of  infinite  power,  it 
would  seem  to  follow  that  He  would  originate  the  best 
possible  system.  Then,  a  true  Theism  cannot,  possibly, 
give  rise  to  a  belief  that  existence  is  essentially  evil. 

The  optimistic  theory  finds  its  origin  in  the  belief  in 
a  Moral  Governor.8  But  for  the  Theist  who  has  freed 
the  idea  of  God  of  its  naturalism,  and  who  has  come  to 
identify  it  with  the  ideals  of  goodness,  and  wisdom,  and 
justice,  there  arises  the  necessity  of  a  Theodicy — "  a 
justification  of  the  ways  of  Providence."  For  Theism 
asserts  that  the  existence  of  the  world  is  an  intended 
consequence  of  God's  goodness  and  omniscience,  and  sees 
itself,  therefore,  driven  in  the  presence  of  evil  to  the 
necessity  of  attempting  a  Theodicy.9  Whether  men  be 

7Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Parerga  and  Paralipomena,  Griesbacl 
ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  397. 

8  All  theories  of  divine  beings  may,  indeed,  be  said  to  hav< 
an  optimistic  bearing  in  so  far  as  these  beings  are  con 
ceived  as  accessible  to  man  and  susceptible  of  being  influ 
enced  by  his  prayers.    Yet  the  conception  of  gods  delight 
ing  in  evil,  and  of  a  nature  to  awaken  terror  seems  rathe: 
to  be  connected  with  those  impulses  which  give  rise  to  th< 
cruder  forms  of  Pessimism.    On  the  other  hand,  the  doctrin' 
that  the  world  is  the  work  of  a  wise  and  just  Being  obvi 
ously  leads  up  to  an  optimistic  solution  of  the  question.     Cl 
Sully:   Pessimism,  N.  Y.,  1891,  p.  36. 

9  Cf.  Hartmann:   Philosophy  of  the  Unconscious,  Londor 
1884,  vol.  II,  p.  274;  also,  James:  The  Varieties  of  Rel.  EJ 
perience,  London,  1902,  p.  131. 


INTRODUCTION  17 

votaries  of  theistic  or  non-theistic  beliefs,  they  com- 
monly do  not  look  with  indifference  on  pain  or  poverty. 
They  will  be  far  from  thinking  that  poverty,  loss  of 
children,  sickness  and  death,  are  no  evils,  and  that  a 
bounteous  harvest,  hope  of  posterity,  and  good  health 
are  not  things  to  be  desired.  It  is  but  human  to  look 
upon  the  one  as  a  curse,  and  upon  the  other  as  a  blessing. 
Man  may  be  indifferent  to  search  for  the  source  whence 
spring  the  blessings  that  come  to  him,  but  he  will  burn 
with  desire  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  his  sorrows  and 
misfortunes.  Life  teaches  him  that  evil  is  due  to  some 
external  cause,  and  he  comes  to  look  upon  it  as  a  power 
superior  to  himself.  The  next  step  is  to  appease  by  sac- 
rifice and  prayer,  fasting  and  voluntary  suffering,  the 
wrath  and  displeasure  of  that  superior  power,  that  he 
may  ward  off  further  and  greater  evil.  Thus  every  gen- 
eration asks  anew :  "  What  is  the  origin  of  evil  ?  "  "  How 
can  it  be  conquered?"  These  queries,  or  rather  the 
attempts  to  find  a  satisfactory  answer  to  them,  led  to 
the  formation  of  the  different  religious  creeds  and  phil- 
osophical systems.10  For  the  central  problem  which  lies 
at  the  root  of  all  religion  is  concerned  with  the  origin  of 
evil  and  the  deliverance  from  it.  We  thirst  for  life, 
not  only  for  life  in  general,  but  for  individual  life  and 
for  the  preservation  of  our  personal  existence,  its  con- 
tinuance and  its  welfare.  Yet  does  not  life  involve  us 
in  labors,  struggles,  sickness,  pain  and  misery?  The 

10  Cf.  Hartmann:  D.  rel.  Bewusstsein  d.  Menschheit,  Lpzg., 
1888,  p.  27. 


18  INTRODUCTION 

very  contents  of  life  seems  to  be  made  up  of  evils,  as  a 
means  of  escape  from  which  religion  was  sought.11  The 
manner  in  which  the  problem  of  evil  is  solved  deter- 
mines the  optimistic  and  pessimistic  theories  of  life. 

Schopenhauer  states 12  that  on  the  whole  the  spirit  of 
the  Old  Testament  is  optimistic,  and  that  of  the  New 
Testament  pessimistic — i.  e.  of  course,  so  far  as  this  life 
is  concerned.  The  Old  Testament  religion  is  favorable 
to  an  optimistic  view  of  life,  for  besides  supplying  a  uni- 
versal Optimism  in  relation  to  the  moral  order  of  the 
world  by  its  undaunted  faith  in  the  final  victory  of  good 
over  evil,  it  teaches  a  kind  of  national  Optimism  with 
respect  to  the  hedonistic  value  of  life  in  the  idea  that 
the  Creator  is  controlling  all  things  for  the  special 
benefit  of  His  chosen  people;  it  is  a  shout  of  joy  at  God's 
glorious  world,  joy  at  His  righteous  government  of 
men's  affairs,  at  the  certain  realization  of  His  purposes 
in  His  Kingdom.  The  New  Testament  so  far  as  this 
life  is  concerned  leans  strongly  towards  Pessimism,13 

u"Alle  Religion  beruht  auf  dem  Gefiihl  des  Erlosungs- 
bediirfniss,  auf  dem  Verlangen  nach  Erlosung,  nicht  nur 
von  der  Siinde,  sondern  auch  von  dem  tibel."  Cf.  Hart- 
mann:  Zur  Gesch.  u.  Begriindung  d.  Pessimismus,  Lpzg., 
1891,  pp.  23  ff. 

12  Sammtliche  Werke  (Frauenstadt  ed.),  vol.  Ill,  p.  713; 
also,  Haupt  in  Oriental  Studies,  Boston,  1894,  p.  265,  note  15; 
Bacon's  Essays,  London,  1877,  p.  17. 

13  If  pessimistic  be  the  conviction  that  life  on  earth  is  not 
worth  living,  this  view  is  shared  by  the  greatest  of  earth's 
religions.     If  Pessimism  be  the  view  that  all  beauty  ends 
with  life,  and  that  beyond  there  is  nothing  for  which  it  It 


INTRODUCTION  19 

it  speculates  about  the  future  and  the  grave  and  depre- 
ciates this  life  and  its  affairs.  Thus  Friedrich  Paulsen, 
speaking  of  Christianity  and  Buddhism,  states  :14  "  In 
their  origin  both  religions  are  religions  of  salvation. 
They  promise  not  happiness,  but  deliverance  from  evil, 
not  by  the  means  of  civilization,  and  by  the  satisfaction 
of  all  needs,  but  by  deliverance  from  desire,  by  deliver- 
ance from  the  will  to  live,  from  the  pursuit  of  worldly 
goods,  wealth,  honor  and  lust.  Their  judgment  on  the 
pleasure-value  of  life  is  unanimous — life  is  suffering; 
sin  and  misery  form  the  contents  of  life  of  the  natural 
man.  In  keeping  with  Christian  views,  our  terrestrial 
life  is  teleologically  justified  by  the  fact  that  it  bears 
relation  to  a  higher  life,  to  the  life  beyond  the  grave.  It 
has  meaning  and  import,  not  as  an  end  in  itself,  but  as 
a  period  of  preparation  and  probation  for  life  eternal." 
The  passages  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  bearing 
upon  Optimism  and  Pessimism  will  be  chronologically 
arranged  according  to  the  teachings  of  modern  biblical 
criticism.  For  research  has  abundantly  proven  that  the 
Books  of  Scriptures  are  not  chronologically  arranged, 
and  that  some  of  the  Books  themselves  are  of  composite 
structure. 

worth  while  to  live,  then  India  has  no  parallel  to  this 
Homeric  belief.  If,  however,  Pessimism  mean  that  to  have 
lone  with  existence  on  earth  is  the  best  that  can  happen  to 
i  man,  but  that  there  is  bliss  beyond,  then  this  is  the  opinion 
)f  Brahmanism,  Jainism,  and  Christianity."  Cf.  Hopkins: 
The  Religions  of  India,  Boston,  1895,  p.  316. 
"Paulsen:  Introd.  to  Philosophy,  N.  Y.,  1895,  p.  177. 


CHAPTER  I 

VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD — PERSIA,  GREECE,  INDIA 

In  nature-religions  the  beneficial  operations  of  nature 
are  ascribed  to  heterogeneous  causes.  The  evil  malevo- 
lent gods  and  spirits  are  opposed  to  those  that  are  good 
and  beneficent.  Pfleiderer  states l  that  this  dualism  is 
found  in  some  form  in  all  nature-religions.  In  the  cult 
of  Osiris,  Adonis,  Melkarth,  etc.,  the  two  hostile  princi- 
ples stand  side  by  side  on  such  a  footing  of  equality, 
that  in  the  circle  of  the  year  alternately  the  one  and  the 
other  conquers,  without  a  final  victory  being  reached. 
Furthermore,  nature-religions  look  upon  the  world  as 
void  of  history  and  design,  which  view  stamps  them  as 
pessimistic.  The  struggle  for  existence,  due  to  the 
sterility  of  the  soil  and  to  excessive  and  enervating  heat, 
is  reflected  among  the  Persians  in  their  dualistic  belief 
of  spirits,  contrasted  as  light  and  darkness,  beneficial 
and  prejudicial — Ahriman  and  Ormuzd.2  The  softer 
climate  of  Jud&a  and  the  fruitfulness  of  the  soil  may, 

1  Genetisch-spekulative    Religionsphil.,    Berl.,     1884,    pp. 
355  ff;  also,  Tiele:  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  im.  Altertum,  Gotha,  1898, 
vol.  II,  pp.  153  ff;    Jastrow,  Jr.:  The  Study  of  Rel.,  Lon- 
don, 1901,  p.  83. 

2  These  names  are  corruptions  of  earlier  names  found  in 
Avesta,  Ahura-Mazda  and  Angra  or  Anra-Mainyu;  cf.  also 
Art.   "  Angra-Mainyus  "   in   J.  A.  O.  S.    5:380;    13:187;    also 
Jackson:  Zoroaster,  N.  Y.,  1899,  p.  171,  and  Art.  "Avesta" 
in  Am.  Encycl;    Tiele:  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  im  Altertum,  vol.  II, 
pp.   128  ff;     Dollinger:     Heident.    u.    Judent,    Regensburg, 
1857,  pp.  357  ff;   382. 


22  VIEW  OF  THE  WOULD 

possibly,  help  to  explain  the  joy  and  the  happiness  the 
ancient  Hebrews  found  in  life.  Greek  thought,  was, 
on  the  whole,  conducive  to  Optimism  rather  than  to 
Pessimism.3  The  polytheism  of  the  Greeks  was  char- 
acterized by  joy  and  cheer.  There  enters  into  it  how- 
ever, a  purely  pessimistic  element — the  fatunv-^a. 
The  idea  of  an  all-embracing  principle  of  fate  by  which 
the  gods,  as  well  as  men,  were  bound,  makes  for  Pessi- 
mism, since  all  limitation  of  will  is  a  diminution  of 
good  which  the  will  can  reach.  This  gloomy  view  is 
voiced  in  Greek  tragedy.4  The  early  Greeks  are  contin- 
ually held  up  to  us  in  literary  works  as  models  of  native 
youthful  Optimism,  or  as  Prof.  James  calls  it,  "the 
healthy-minded  joyousness." 5  But  even  in  Homer 

3Cf.  Nicklin:  "The  Greek  View  of  Life,"  in  Int.  J.  of 
Ethics,  Jan.,  1901. 

4Theognis,  425-428:  "Best  of  all  for  all  things  upon 
earth  is  it  not  to  be  born  nor  to  behold  the  splendors  of 
the  sun;  next  best  to  traverse  as  soon  as  possible  the  gates 
of  Hades."  Comp.  the  almost  identical  passage  in  CEdipus 
in  Colonus,  1225:  "  Not  to  have  been  born  at  all  is  superior 
to  every  view  of  that  question;  the  next  best  thing  for  him 
who  has  seen  the  light  of  day  is  to  return  whence  he  came." 
Similarly  in  Euripidis  Hippol,  189:  "The  whole  life  of 
man  is  full  of  grief,  nor  is  there  any  rest  from  toil  and 
moil."  The  Anthology  of  Theognis  is  full  of  pessimistic 
utterances  that  remind  one  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes : 
"  Naked  came  I  upon  the  earth,  naked  I  go  below  the 
ground — why  then  do  I  vainly  toil  when  I  see  the  end 
naked  before  me?"  "Being  naught  I  came  to  life:  once 
more  shall  I  be  what  I  was."  "  Nothing  and  Nothingness 
is  the  whole  race  of  mortals." 

6  James:  The  Varieties  of  Religious  Experience,  London, 
1892,  p.  142. 


PERSIA,  GREECE,  INDIA  23 

the  reflective  passages  are  cheerless,8*  and  the  moment 
the  Greeks  grew  systematically  pensive  and  thought  of 
ultimates,  they  became  unmitigated  pessimists.9  This 
transition  from  Optimism  to  Pessimism  is  most  instruc- 
tive. Greek  polytheism,  that  seemed  to  have  trans- 
formed the  world  into  a  veritable  Paradise,  ends  in  the 
religious-philosophical  speculations  of  Neo-Platonism 
which  regards  the  same  world  as  an  abode  of  dismal 
darkness  and  error,  and  life  on  earth  as  a  time  of  pro- 
bation.7 But  Greek  Pessimism  differs  from  the  oriental 
and  modern  variety.  The  Greeks  had  not  made  the  dis- 
covery that  the  pathetic  mood  may  be  idealized,  and  fig- 
ure as  a  higher  form  of  sensibility.  Their  spirit  was 
still  too  essentially  masculine  for  Pessimism  to  be  elab- 
orated or  lengthily  dwelt  on  in  their  literature.7* 

Among  the  Aryans  of  India  we  find  a  remarkable 
groundwork  for  Pessimism.  Their  philosophy  of  de- 
spair makes  life  itself  a  sin,  and  existence  a  grave  mis- 
take, if  not  a  fatality.  "  The  sense  that  life  is  a  dream, 
or  a  burden,"  says  Max  Miiller,  "  is  a  notion  which  Bud- 

6a  Iliad,  XVII,  446:  "  Nothing  then  is  more  wretched  any- 
where than  man  of  all  that  breathes  and  creeps  upon  this 
earth." 

8  For  a  characteristic  utterance  of  Greek  Pessimism 
2omp.  passage  in  Sokrates'  Apology  where  Plato  puts  in  the 
tnouth  of  the  wisest  of  men,  "  that  death  even  if  it  should 
*ob  us  of  all  consciousness  would  still  be  a  wonderful  gain, 
nasmuch  as  deep  dreamless  sleep  is  by  far  to  be  preferred 
;o  every-day,  even  of  the  happiest  life."  Jowett's  transl. 
>f  the  Dialogues  of  Plato,  N.  Y.,  1887,  pp.  305  ff. 

7Cf.  Horowitz:  Untersuchungen  iiber  Philon's  and  Pla- 
on's  Lehre  von  der  Weltschopfung,  Marburg,  1900. 

7a  James:  The  Varieties  of  Rel.  Experiences,  p.  142. 


24  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD 

dhism  shares  with  every  Hindoo  philosophy/' '  So 
Schopenhauer : 9  "  The  fundamental  characteristics  of 
Brahmanism  and  Buddhism  are  Idealism  and  Pessi- 
mism, which  look  upon  life  as  the  result  of  our  sins, 
and  upon  the  existence  of  the  world  as  in  the  nature  of 
a  dream."  Buddhism  is  pessimistic  Pantheism,,  it  de- 
nies existence  not  only  of  a  Creator,  hut  of  an  Absolute 
Being.10  The:*e  is  no  reality  anywhere,  neither  in  the 
past  nor  in  the  future.  Life  is  suffering — this  is  the 
burden  of  the  teachings  of  Buddha.u  For  life  is  filled 
with  a  desire  of  the  soul  for  goods  that  are  not,  and 
which  by  their  very  transitoriness  prepare  a  constant 
illusion.  Hence,  man  must  make  himself  free  from  all 
desire.  He  must  endeavor  to  become  wishless  and  hope- 
less that  he  may  find  peace  and  rest.12  "  True  wisdom," 
says  Max  Miiller,  "  consists  in  a  perception  of  the 
nothingness  of  all  things,  and  in  a  desire  to  become 
nothing,  and  to  be  blown  out  to  enter  into  Nirvana, 

8  Chips  from  a  German  Workshop,  London,  1868,  vol.  I, 
p.  227. 

9Cf.  Saunticrs:  Essays  of  Schopenhauer,  London,  1895, 
p.  274. 

10  Cf.  Schopenhauer   (vol.  II,  p.  331):   "  Der  Buddhismus 
legt  uns  eine  Welt  dar,  ohne  einen  moralischen  Regierer, 
Lenker,  oder  Schopfer." 

11  Cf.  Oldenberg:  Buddha,  Berl.,  1897,  p.  241;  also,  Ben 
der:  D.  Wesen  d.  Rel.,  Bonn,  1886,  p.  274. 

"Buddha  believed  that  man's  evil  desire,  and  not  his 
material  existence,  was  the  root  of  evil.  As  a  remedy  h* 
proposes  the  radical  extinction  of  all  desire.  Cf.  Carus: 
Buddhism  and  its  recent  Christian  Critics,  Chicago,  1899 
p.  24;  Happel:  Die  rel.  u.  philos.  Anschauungen  der  Inder 
Giessen,  1902;  Dilger:  D.  Erlosung  d.  Menschen,  Basel 
1902. 


PERSIA,  GREECE,  INDIA  25 

i.  e.  extinction." '  When  Nirvana  is  reached,  every- 
thing that  constitutes  our  separate  individuality,  feeling, 
thought,  the  very  consciousness  of  personal  existence  is 
annihilated,  the  oil  that  fed  the  lamp  of  life  is  drained 
off,  and  the  flame  goes  out  of  itself." 

"Chips  from  a  German  Workshop,  vol.  I,  p.  231;  also, 
Rhys-Davis:  "The  Buddhistic  doctrine  of  Nirvana"  in 
Contemporary  Review,  Jan.,  1877;  Oldenberg:  Buddha,  p. 
237;  J.A.O.  S.,  1:292. 

"Carus  in  opposition  to  Oldenberg  asserts  that  Nirvana 
does  not  mean  annihilation,  but  rather  deliverance  from 
evil.  Cf.  Buddhism  and  its  recent  Christian  Critics,  p.  75; 
James:  The  Varieties  of  Religious  Experience,  London, 
1902,  p.  165. 


CHAPTER  II 

VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  creation  of  the  Universe  forms  the  beginning  of 
the  early  records  of  all  great  civilizations.1  For  creation 
is  the  presupposition  of  all  subsequent  history  and,  at 
the  same  time,  the  first  act  of  revelation  on  the  part  of  a 
creator.  Thus,  among  the  Hebrews,  the  early  chapters 
of  their  sacred  records  reveal  their  conception  of  creation 
and  creator. 

It  is,  generally,  conceded  that  in  Genesis  are  two  ac- 
counts of  creation  imperfectly  fused  together.2  Though 
they  differ  in  style  and  in  the  order  of  creation,  God  is 
the  Creator  in  both.3  God  is  placed  outside  of  the  world, 
but  in  sole  and  direct  control  of  all  that  occurs.8*  He 
wills  that  something  should  be,  and  it  is. 

The  Universe  is  not  self-existent,  as  some  cosmo- 
gonies teach,  not  inherently  evil,  nor  antagonistic  to 
God  and  man,  but  it  has  come  into  being  at  the  will  of 
a  Divine  Creator.  "  He  does  not  lose  Himself  in  what 

'Cf.  White:  A  Hist,  of  Warfare  of  Science  and  Theol., 
N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  I,  pp.  1-4. 

2  Gen.  1:1 — 2:4a  (first  account)  known  as  priestly,  also 
the  Elohistic  account,  c.  500  B.  C.  Gen.  2:4b — 3:24  (second 
account)  known  as  prophetic,  Judaic  or  Jahvistic  account, 
c.  850  B.  C.  Cf.  Kaulen:  "  Der  Biblische  Schopfungsbericht. 
Gen.  1:1—2:3,"  Freiburg,  1902. 

8  Cf.  Driver:  Introd.  to  O.  T.,  6th  ed.,  p.  8;  also,  Spurrell: 
Notes  on  the  text  of  Gen.,  Oxford,  1896,  Introd.:  Hol- 
zinger:  Gen.  (Marti),  Freiburg,  1898,  pp.  37  ff;  Gunkel: 
Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  Gott.,  1895,  p.  5. 

3aCf.  Jastrow,  Jr.:  The  Study  of  Rel.,  London,  1901, 
p.  234. 


28  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD 

is  created;  nor  does  He  merely  passively  suffer  things 
to  go  forth  from  Him;  but  He  actively  brings  them 
forth,  and  keeps  Himself  independent  of  them  in  the 
sameness  of  His  eternal  Godhead.  He  has  nothing  in 
antithesis  to  Himself,  nothing  outside  of  Himself  which 
He  could  not,  or  only  gradually  could,  overcome;  but 
everything  outside  of  Him  stands  open  to  His  free  dis- 
posal." 4  That  God  is  the  Creator,  independent  of  all 
that  He  created,  is  a  conception  deeply  rooted  in  the 
consciousness  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  and  explains  the 
optimistic  view  of  the  world  that  prevails  in  the  Old 
Testament.  But  this  Creator  not  only  is  independent 
of  all  creation,  he  has  created  everything  good,  i.  e.  in 
the  perfection  which  corresponds  to  His  own  goodness. 
This  is,  especially,  clear  from  the  Priestly  account  of 
creation.5  After  each  and  every  act  of  creation  God 
proclaims  the  work  3TD"^3  "  to  be  good."  After  the 
completion  of  creation  God  seems  to  be  still  more  pleased 
with  what  He  had  wrought,  for  we  find  "INP  ^Wnjri.l 
"behold,  it  was  very  good/"  Judaism  was  the  first 
religion  to  recognize  that  this  world  "  is  very  good  " — 
the  work  of  One  Almighty  Beneficent  God.  Thus  we 
read  in  Isaiah : T 
"  For  thus  says  JHVH,  the  Creator  of  the  heavens, — He  is 

the  true  God; 

The  Former  and  Maker  of  the  earth, — He  established  it, 
Not  a  waste  did  He  create  it,  to  be  inhabited  He  formed 
it."    (P.  B.) 

4Cf.  Dillmann:  Gen.,  Edinb.,  1897,  vol.  I,  p.  43. 

5  Of.  Jastrow,  Jr. :  "  The  Hebr.  and  Babyl.  account  of  Cre- 
ation," J.  Q.  R.,  July,  1901. 

6Cf.  Gunkel:   Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  p.  12. 

7  45: 18  (546  B.  C.);  comp.  Jer.  10:12  (not  genuine);  cf. 
Cornill's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  in  P.  B, 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  29 

Similarly,  in  the  Psalms : 
"  By  the  words  of  JHVH  were  the  heavens  made, 

And  all  their  host  by  the  breath  of  his  mouth."  8  (P.  B.) 
"  For  He  spoke,  and  it  was! 

He  commanded,  and  it  stood  forth!"9  (P.  B.) 

Again  and  again  do  the  Psalmists  extol  the  untold 
beauties  of  nature,  and  the  bounties  she  so  lavishly  be- 
stows upon  man : 
"  Thou  causest  springs  to  flow  in  the  valleys, 

Between  mountains  they  glide  away; 

They  give  drink  to  every  beast  of  the  field, 

Wild  asses  thereat  quench  their  thirst; 

Birds  of  the  air  build  their  nests  on  the  banks, 

And  warble  forth  songs  from  the  branches. 

From  Thine  upper  stories  of  clouds,  Thou  givest  drink 
to  the  mountains, 

And  the  earth  is  sated  with  the  fruit  of  Thy  works. 

Thou  causest  grass  to  grow  for  cattle, 

And  herbs  for  the  service  of  man, 

So  that  bread  may  come  forth  from  the  earth."  10  (P.  B.) 

Nature  not  only  provides  man  with  those  things  neces- 
sary to  sustain  his  life,  but  she  furnishes  him  with  luxu- 
ries that  cheer  the  heart  and  lighten  the  spirit : 
"  And  wine  to  cheer  man's  heart, 

Oil  to  make  his  skin  to  shine"11  (P.B.) 

In  the  eighth  Psalm,11*  which  "  is  a  lyric  echo  of  the 
tradition  committed  to  writing  in  the  Elohistic  account 
of  creation,"  12  we  read : 

8  Ps.  33:6  (480  B.  C.) 
8  Ps.  33:9. 

10  Ps.  104:10-14. 

11  Ps.  104:15. 

"a  Older  than  Job  7:17,  later  than  Gen.  I;  cf.  Wellhausen's 
crit.  notes  on  Ps.  8  in  P.B.  (Bngl.  transl.) 

12  Cf.  Delitzsch:  Genesis,  Edinb.,  1888,  vol.  I,  p.  65. 


30  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD 

"  When  I  see  Thy  heavens,  the  work  of  Thy  fingers, 
The  moon  and  the  stars  which  Thou  hast  ordained, 
What  is  man  that  Thou  takest  thought  of  him, 
And  a  son  of  man  that  Thou  heedest  him."  13  (P.  B.) 

The  Optimism  which  roots  in  the  conception  that  God 
is  the  Creator  is  deepened  by  the  belief  that  He,  the 
Creator,  rules  over  that  which  He  has  called  into  ex- 
istence, and  it  is  significant  that  He  is  always  spoken 
of  as  a  "  Eighteous  Judge." 
"  JHVH  has  assumed  the  sovereignty,  let  the  earth  rejoice, 

Let  the  multitude  of  countries  be  glad! 

Clouds  and  darkness  are  round  about  Him, 

Righteousness   and   justice  are   the   foundations   of   His 

throne."  14 
"  For  JHVH,  the  Host  High,  is  to  be  feared, 

A  great  King  over  all  the  earth." 
"  For  King  of  the  whole  world  is  God." 
"  God  has  begun  His  reign  over  the  heathen, 

He  has  taken  His  seat  on  His  holy  throne."  15  (P.  B.) 
"  He  loves  righteousness  and  justice; 

Of  the  goodness  of  JHVH  the  earth  is  full."  10  (P.  B.) 

Long  before  Leibnitz  did  the  Talmudic  doctors  assert 
that  this  is  the  best  possible  world.  For  we  read  in 
Midrash  Eabboth  "  that  Eabbi  Abahu  of  Caesarea  (about 
300  C.  E.)  said: 18  "  How  do  we  know,  that  God  several 

18  Ps.  8:  3,  4. 

14  Ps.  97:1,2  (c.  350  B.  C.) 

15  Ps.  47:2,  7a,  8  (c.  350  B.  C.) 

18  Ps.  33:5  (c.  480  B.  C.);  comp.  Zeph.  3:5;  Micah  7:9; 
Amos  5:24;  Hosea  14:9;  Jer.  11:20;  Isa.  3:14,  15;  Ps.  96: 
10-13;  103:6;  Dan.  9:14,  16;  Eccl.  3:17;  8:12. 

1T  Midrash  Rabboth  is  a  collection  of  Midrashim  on  the 
Pentateuch  and  the  five  Megilloth.  Bereshith  Rabba  was 
compiled  during  the  sixth  Christian  century.  Cf.  Karpeles: 
Gesch.  d.  jiid.  Lit,  Berl.,  1886,  vol.  I,  p.  335. 

18  Bereshith  Rabba,  chapt.  9. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  31 

times  created  worlds  and  then  destroyed  them  until  He 
created  these  worlds,  for  He  said,  these  are  good,  and 
the  others  are  not."     In  another  place  we  read : 
"  All  that  God  has  wrought  was  for  the  good." w 

19  Talm.  Berachoth  60b.    T3tf  3^  KJDm  T3IH  ^D 


CHAPTER  III 

ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  Biblical  accounts  of  creation  imply  that  God  cre- 
ated everything  out  of  nothing  (creatio  ex  nihilo).1  The 
opening  sentence  of  the  Priestly  account  of  creation: 
"In  the  beginning  God  created  the  heavens  and  the 
earth,"  2  expresses  the  negation  of  primary  matter  (Ur- 
stoff  )  .  This  view  is  never  contradicted  in  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. During  Post-biblical  ages,  too,  it  was  the  pre- 
vailing view.8  Those  who  differed  from  it  were  under 
the  influence  of  Greek  speculation.  Thus  Aristobulus 
(1GO  B.  C.),  who  was  the  chief  exponent  of  the  Jewish- 
Alexandrian  school  of  philosophy,  held  that  God  formed 
the  world  out  of  material  previously  existing.88-  This 
view  is  also  met  with  in  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  *  and  in 


(Creatio  ex  nihilo). 
*  (Gen.  1:1)  (P)  pKH  n&O  D'DETI  DN   D>r6tf  Kin  JWK13 
Cf.  also  Isa.  44:24  (550-545  B.  C.)  : 
"  Thus  says  JHVH,  thy  Redeemer,  and  He  who  formed  thee 

from  the  womb: 

I  am  JHVH,  who  wrought  everything, 
Who  stretched  forth  the  heavens,  alone,  who  spread  forth 
the  earth  —  who  was  with  me"    (P.  B.);   also  Ps. 
90:2;  33:5;  Job  26:7. 

8  Cf  .  Hamburger's  Real  Encycl.  "  Schopfung  aus  Nichts," 
and  "  Religionsphilosophie." 

"aCf.  Ueberweg:  Hist  of  Phil.,  N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  223; 

Joel:  Blicke  in  die  Religionsgesch.,  Excursus  I  Aristobulus. 

4Cf.  Wisdom  of  Sol.   (150  B.  C.),  "For  Thine  Almighty 

hand,  that  made  the  world  of  matter  without  form"  (11: 

17a). 

3 


34  ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

the  Jerusalem  Talmud.*3-  Advocates  of  both  theories 
are  found  among  the  Fathers  of  the  Church.8  Heathen- 
dom had  but  the  one  theory,  that  matter  existed  before 
the  world  was  created.  To  find  an  explanation  for  the 
mixed  state  of  things  which  prevails,  i.  e.  good  and  evil, 
solution  was  sought  in  Dualism,  the  doctrine  that  there 
are  two  independent  divine  beings  or  eternal  principles, 
one  good  and  the  other  evil :  characteristic  especially  of 
Parsism  and  of  various  Gnostic  systems.  The  Old  Tes- 
tament in  negating  primary  matter  looks  for  evil  not  in 
matter,  but  in  man  to  whom  freedom  has  been  vouch- 
safed. Evil,  thus,  becomes  the  result  of  the  abuse  of 
freedom,  it  is,  as  it  were,  concocted  in  the  laboratory  of 
the  human  heart. 

"  Execute  true  judgment,  and  show  mercy  and  compas- 
sion every  man  to  his  brother  .  .  .  and  let  none  of 
you  imagine  evil  against  his  brother  in  your  heart." e 

"Yet  even  now,  says  JHVH,  turn  to  me  with  all  your 
heart,  with  fasting,  with  weeping,  and  with  mourning: 
rend  your  heart,  not  your  garments,  and  turn  to  JHVH, 
your  God."T 

4aR.  Jehuda  b.  Pasi  (400  C.  E.)  teaches  (77  Col.  I):  "At 
first  the  world  was  water  in  water,  for  it  is  written:  And 
the  spirit  of  God  was  brooding  upon  the  waters."  Cf.  Joel. 
Blicke  i.  d.  Religionsgesch.,  vol.  I,  pp.  162  ff;  cf.  ibid., 
Gnosis.  Excursus  II. 

5Cf.  White:  A  Hist,  of  the  Warfare  of  Science  with  The- 
ology, N.  Y.,  1896,  yol.  I,  pp.  4ff;  Ueberweg:  A  Hist,  of 
Philosophy,  N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  I,  pp.  274  ff. 

•Zech.  7:9,10  (520  B.  C.) 

7  Joel  2:12,  13a  (post-exilic).  Kautzsch  and  Cornill  place 
passage  as  late  as  350  B.  C. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  35 

"  Keep  your  heart  with  all  diligence,  for  out  of  it  are  the 
issues  of  life."  • 

In  Ecclesiasticus  (200  B.  C.)  a  sharp  distinction  is 
drawn  between  moral  and  physical  evil.  The  former 
being  due  to  man's  free-will,  the  latter  coming  from 
God.  Thus  we  read  : 

"  Say  not,  it  is  through  the  Lord  that  I  have  fallen, 
For  thou  ought  not  to  do  the  things  He  hates."  • 
"  Say  not,  He  has  caused  one  to  err: 

For  He  has  no  need  of  the  sinful  man."  10 
"  He  Himself  made  man  from  the  beginning, 
And  left  him  to  his  counsel."  u 
Before  man  is  life  and  death."  M 

Concerning  the  source  of  physical  evil  we  find  :  "  Pros- 
perity and  adversity,  life  and  death,  poverty  and  riches, 
come  of  the  Lord,"  18  either  as  a  punishment,  or  for  the 
purpose  of  testing  man's  strength  of  character. 

"What  is  brought  upon  thee  take  cheerfully,  and  be 
patient  when  thou  art  changed  to  low  estate.  For  gold  is 
tried  in  the  furnace,  and  acceptable  men  in  the  fire  of  ad- 
versity." " 

The  Old  Testament  boldly  grapples  with  the  difficult 
problem  of  evil  by  resting  in  absolute  ideal  faith  upon 
the  wisdom  and  goodness  of  JHVH,  who  created  this 


8Prov.  4:  23. 

Of.  in  toe.  Miiller  and  Kautzsch's  critical  notes  on  the  Heb. 
:ext  of  Prov.  in  P.  B.,  where  the  Massoretic  text  ^p  is 
changed  into  bp3.  As  to  the  age  of  the  passage,  I  agree 
tfith  those  who  place  the  first  nine  chpts.  in  the  Greek  age 
(c.  250  B.  C.)  Cf.  Driver,  Introd.  sixth  ed.,  p.  405.  The 
>re-exilic  view  is  defended  by  Nowack:  Die  Spriiche  Sale- 
no's,  Lpzg.,  1883,  §5. 

•15:11.  10  15:12.  "15:14. 

U15:17a.  ftL:14.  "2:4,5. 


36  ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

world  in  wisdom  and  goodness."  Its  trust  is  uncon- 
ditioned, though  there  be  nothing  whatsoever  between 
evil  and  Divine  Omnipotence.  The  burden  is  placed 
upon  the  shoulders  of  every  individual  who  has  mis- 
used the  freedom  God  has  granted  him.  He,  and  he 
alone,  is  responsible  for  evil.  If  he  has  fallen,  his  own 
will  has  dragged  him  down. 

In  Pagan  mythology,  man  was  once  an  angel.  He 
rebelled  against  the  gods  and  henceforth  was  expelled 
from  the  heavenly  abode.18  The  cosmology  of  Egypl 
makes  the  rebellion  of  the  angels  precede  the  creatior 
of  the  Universe.  The  earth  was  to  be  a  place  to  whicl: 
the  rebellious  were  exiled,  who  once  on  earth  were  sub 

15  Cf.  Philippson:  Weltbewegende  Fragen,  Lpzg.,  1869,  vol 
I,  p.  126. 

16  The  story  of  the  fallen  angels  in  Enoch  is  built  upoi 
Gen.  6:2,  4  (J).     The  date  of  Enoch  is  uncertain,  about  7< 
B.  C.     In  Enoch   (chpts.    6-11)    (cf.    Beer's  translation  ii 
Kautzsch's  Apok.  and  Pseudepig.)  we  read:     "It  happenec 
after  the  children  of  men  had  multiplied  in  those  days,  tha 
fair  and  beautiful  daughters  were  born  to  them.    And  th 
angels,  the  sons  of  the  heavens,  saw  them  and  lusted  afte 
them,  the  children  of  men,  and  said  unto  each  other,  Come 
let  us  choose  wives  among  them,  and  beget  children.    An 
Semjaza,  the  first  of  them,  said  unto  them:  I  fear,  lest  y 
may  not  want  to  accomplish  the  deed,  and  then  I  alon 
shall  have  to  suffer  punishment.    And  each  selected  on 
for  himself,  and  they  began  to  go  in  unto  them,  and  misle 
them,  and  taught  them  witchcraft  and  incantations,  an 
informed  them  how  to  cut  roots  and   different  kinds   c 
wood.     But  they  became  pregnant  and  brought  forth  might 
giants  whose  length  was  three  thousand  cubits,  and  thes 
giants   were   iniquitous,   and   occasioned  the   flood.     Thes 
evil  angels  taught  men  war  and  bloodshed  and  every  wicke 
work,  and  were  punished  by  being  confined  in  the  bowel 
of  the  earth  till  the  great  day  of  judgment." 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  3? 

ject  to  pain  and  suffering  like  ordinary  mortals.  This 
belief  was  common  to  most  Pagans.  Socrates,  who  op- 
posed it,  paid  for  his  scepticism  with  his  life.17 

The  pessimistic  and  fatalistic  elements,  characteristic 
of  Paganism,  may  be  traced  to  the  belief  that  man  is  a 
fallen  being,  a  prisoner  on  earth.  Even  the  Talmud  is 
not  wholly  free  from  that  belief.  We  read  there  of  a 
conflict  in  Heaven,  and  of  the  banishment  of  souls  into 
mortal  bodies.18  The  names  of  two  fallen  angels  (giants) 
ire  mentioned — Uzziel  and  Shamkhazai.18*  Such  vaga- 
ries, however,  left  no  impress  upon  the  development  of 
ludaism.  The  monotheistic  belief  was  too  deeply  im- 
bedded within  the  Jewish  consciousness  not  to  prove 
fatal  to  all  such  imaginings.  Fatalism  (excepting  one 
oassage  in  Jeremiah 10  and  a  few  references  in  the  genu- 
ne  "  portion  of  Ecclesiastes 21)  finds  no  echo  within  the 
31d  Testament.  The  doctrine  of  free-will  is  enunciated 
n  clear  and  unmistakable  language  and  is  in  thorough 

17  Cf.  Jowett:  The  Dialogues  of  Plato,  N.  Y.,  1887,  vol.  I 
;The  Apology),  pp.  316  ff. 

18Targum:  Jer.  to  Gen.  6:4. 

'"a  b«^W  and   n*pp&? 

»  (15:2.  597  B/C.)  "  And  it  shall  be,  when  they  say  to 
hee,  whither  shall  we  go?  then  shalt  thou  tell  them,  thus 
ays  the  Lord:  such  as  are  for  death  to  death;  and  such  as 
re  for  the  famine,  to  famine,  and  such  as  are  for  cap- 
tvity,  to  captivity." 

20  Cf.  Haupt:  The  Bk.  of  Eccl.,  in  Oriental  Studies,  pp. 
43  f. 

21  (9:7)  "  Come,  eat  thy  bread  with  joy, 

And  drink  thy  wine  with  a  merry  heart; 

For  God  has  long  ago  approved  of   (all)   thy 

doings." 

'omp.  9:9;  8:14.    Cf.  also  Haupt:  The  Bk.  of  Eccl.  in  Ori- 
ntal  Studies,  p.  257. 


38  ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OP  EVIL 

keeping  with  the  dignity  and  worth  which  the  Old  Tes- 
tament ascribes  to  human  nature : 

"  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness  against  you  this  day: 
that  I  have  set  before  thee  life  and  death,  the  blessing  and 
the  curse,  and  thou  shalt  choose  life."  ** 

In  the  Talmud  the  doctrine  of  free-will  is  often  re- 
ferred to.  "  He  who  wishes  to  purify  himself  is  helped 
by  Heaven  towards  his  aim,  while  he  who  seeks  to  defile 
himself  will  find  means  of  doing  so." 5 

As  soon  as  evil  cannot  be  longer  explained,  it  becomes 
in  the  Old  Testament  punishment  of  God  for  sin.  Thus 
Eliphaz  asserts  in  the  Book  of  Job  that  the  innocent 
never  perishes/*  which  implies  that  the  guilty  does  per- 
ish. Sorrow  remains  what  it  is,  but  its  sting  is  extracted 
in  the  reflection  that  it  has  a  moral  ground.25  Man's 
moral  strength  lies  in  his  will,  upon  it  depends  his  being 
great  or  weak.  His  whole  character  is  built  upon  it. 
Free-will  relieves  the  Creator,  according  to  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, of  the  responsibility  for  evil.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  among  the  efforts  to  explain  God's  responsibility 
for  existing  evil  nowhere  is  it  stated  that  it  is  a  property 
of  matter;  that  evil  inheres  in  matter  was  the  view  of 
the  Neo-Platonic  school. 

It  is  as  true  of  Eabbinical  as  of  Old  Testament  the- 
ology that  it  is  weak  in  the  theories  of  the  origin  of  sin. 

22Deut.  30:19  (Dt). 

28  Talm.  Sabbath  104a.     K3  D'DPFl  |O  A  j WDD   int^>  K3 

A  pnma  Koch 

244:7  comp.  Deut.  30:17,  18  (Dt);  also  Isa.  55:7  (in  LXX 
this  sentence  is  omitted). 

25  In  O.  T.  physical  evil  is  traced  to  moral  evil,  and  moral 
evil  has  its  cause  in  man's  free-will,  presupposed  in  Deut. 
30:15ff  (Dt). 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  39 

The  third  chapter  of  Genesis  simply  relates  a  fact;  at 
any  rate,  it  stands  by  itself,  and  is  nowhere  referred  to 
again  in  the  Old  Testament.28*  Though  little  thought  is 
bestowed  in  the  Old  Testament  upon  the  cause  and 
origin  of  sin,  it  holds  out  the  hope  of  conquest  of  sin  by 
unremitting  effort  on  the  part  of  the  sinner. 

Man  endowed  with  reason  and  free-will  is  the  archi- 
tect and  arbiter  of  his  own  fate: 

"  Behold,  I  set  before  you  this  day  a  blessing  and  a  curse; 
the  blessing,  if  ye  shall  hearken  unto  the  commandments 
of  JHVH  your  God  .  .  .  and  the  curse,  if  ye  shall  not 
hearken  .  .  .  "M 

"Wherefore  does  man  murmur  while  he  lives,  a  man  on 
account  of  punishment  for  his  sins?    Let  us  search  and  try 
our  ways,  and  turn  again  to  JHVH."  * 
"  Train  a  child  in  the  way  he  should  go, 

And  even  when  he  is  old  he  will  not  depart  from  it."  " 

These  passages  indicate  that  man  may  by  the  exercise 
of  his  will  rid  himself  of  sin. 

The  Talmudic  doctors  seem  to  be  of  the  opinion  that 
no  man  who  can  reason  will  sin :  "  No  man  sins  unless 
his  mind  has  been  clouded."29  Akabya  (70  C.  E.)  said: 
"Keflect  upon  three  things  and  thou  wilt  not  come 
within  the  power  of  sin:  Know  whence  thou  comest, 

^a  cf.  Cheyne:  The  Book  of  Psalms,  N.  Y.,  1895.  Notes  to 
Ps.  51;  also  Zunz:  Gottesdienstliche  Vortrage,  Frankfurt 
a/M,  1892,  second  ed.,  p.  44;  also  Jastrow:  The  Study  of 
Religion,  London,  1901,  p.  223;  Giidemann:  Das  Juden- 
thum,  Wien,  1902,  p.  17. 

26Deut.  11:26,  27  (D) ;  comp.  ibid.,  30:15-19  (Dt). 

"Lam.  3:39,  40;  comp.  Ps.  18:26. 

"Prov.  22:6. 

» mos?  nn  n  DJDJ  D'KS  &OK  rrv:u>  -ow  DI«  px  (Babi. 

Sutta  3a.) 


40  OKIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

and  whither  thou  art  going,  and  before  whom  thou  wilt 
in  future  have  to  give  account  and  reckoning."  ! 

The  text  of  Genesis  4:7  (J*  650  B.  C.),  frequently 
quoted  to  explain  the  attitude  of  the  Old  Testament  in 
regard  to  free-will,  is,  by  nigh  unanimous  opinion,  con- 
sidered very  doubtful.  Dillmann  thus  holds  that  the  text 
has  been  early  corrupted,  and  later  restored  in  the  pres- 
ent unsatisfactory  manner.81  The  Massoretic  text  is: 
un  nnsfe  n»p»ri  &6  DK)  r\$p  rr 


"  If  thou  doest  well,  shall  it  not  be  lifted  up?  and  if  thou 
doest  not  well,  sin  coucheth  at  the  door:  and  unto  thee  shall 
be  its  desire,  but  do  thou  rule  over  it"  (A.R.  V.) 

LXX:82 

OVK  eav  6pda>s  irpoa-fVfyKTjs,  opda>s  8f  /*>)  dteAi;?,  ffpapres', 
f)<rv)(a<rov. 

"  Dost  thou  not  sin  if,  while  thou  presentest  rightly,  thou 
dost  not  rightly  divide  the  offering?  be  at  peace. 

Holzinger  M  correctly  observes  that  it  is  evident  that 
the  Septuaginta  presupposes  a  different  Hebrew  text 
than  the  Massora  has  preserved,  viz.  :  nro^  (Lev.  1:12-) 
or  1^3^  (Gen.  15:10)  for  nnsj?.  Holzinger  adopts  the 
Septuagintal  ntffe^  for  the  Massoretic  T\$W 

The  circumlocution  of  the  Targum  Onkelos,**  as  well 

^Pirke  Aboth.  Ill,  1.    Of.  Taylor:  Sayings  of  the  Jewish 
Fathers,  Cambridge,  1897. 
81  Genesis,  Edinburgh,  1897,  vol.  I,  p.  189. 

32  Of.  Ball's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  in  P.  B. 

33  Genesis,  Freiburg,  i.  B.  1898,  p.  47. 

"Aramaic  translation  of  the  Pentateuch  dates  from  the 
middle  of  the  first  century  B.  C.  Geiger  in  Urschrift  (Bres- 
lau,  1857,  p.  164)  places  it  about  350  C.  E.  Karpeles:  Gesch. 
der  jiid.  Lit.,  Berlin,  1886,  vol.  I,  p.  353,  puts  it  still  later, 
into  the  sixth  century  C.  E. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  41 

as  of  the  Peshito,*8  show  how  difficult  the  text  appeared 
in  those  early  days. 

nnpin  xb  OKI  ifo  p'ofifc?"  •qinw  3»pw  DK  &6q 
^  &6  DK  ^p  ninsjvK1?  Tnin  T 


"  If  thou  doest  thy  work  well  thou  wilt  be  pardoned  —  if 
not  —  for  the  day  of  judgment  the  sin  is  laid  up,  ready  to 
take  vengeance  upon  thee,  if  thou  dost  not  repent  —  but  if 
thou  dost  repent,  thou  shalt  be  forgiven."  w 

"  Behold,  if  thou  dost  well  thou  receivest:  and  if  not,  at 
the  door  sin  crouches"  (Peshito). 

The  Vulgate  follows  the  reading  of  the  Peshito  : 
"  None  si  bene  egeris  recipies,  sin  autem  male,  statim  in 
foribus  peccatum  aderit." 

Graetz  8I  substitutes  nisn  for   DNBri 

After  studying  the  various  versions  and  commentar- 
ies88 I  have  adopted  the  reading  of  Eev.  C.  J.  Ball,88 
which  is  actually  given  by  the  Septuagint,  except  that  I 
prefer  the  Massoretic  inpH?n  to  Ball's  irawn  Psy- 
chologically the  Massora  seems  preferable  here.  Cain  is 
sullen,  not  because  his  conscience  upbraids  him  for  what 
he  has  done,  but  he  feels  humiliated  having  his  gift  re- 
jected, while  his  brother's  gift  is  accepted.  Now  JHVH 
lets  him  know  that  his  sacrifice  was  not  accepted  on 

MSyriac  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  (200  C.  E.) 

86  Salomon  b.  Isak  of  Troyes,  generally  quoted  as  Rashi 
(1040-1105),  one  of  the  most  famous  commentators  of  the 
Old  Testament  and  the  Talmud,  agrees  with  Onkelos  (vide 
ad  loc.). 

87  Emendationes,  Breslau,  1894. 

38Spurrell:  Genesis,  Oxford,  1896,  p.  52;  Fiirst:  ZDMG 
XXXV,  p.  134;  Dillmann:  Gen.,  vol.  I,  p.  188;  Delitzsch: 
Gen.,  vol.  I,  p.  182. 

89  Ball's  critical  ed.  of  Heb.  text  (P.  B.),  p.  49,  note. 


42  OKIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

account  of  his  sin.  To  find  favor  with  JHVH  he  must 
avoid  the  temptation  that  has  caused  him  to  sin.  Eev. 
Ball  reads : 

7^&o  pi"?  riNDn  -jri^  inaTi  vh  DNI  n&w  rrt^n  DK 

in  beraa  nnao 

"  Is  it  not  so?  If  you  have  not  rightly  (properly)  sacri- 
ficed (offered),  if  you  have  not  properly  divided  the  vic- 
tims, you  have  done  wrong  (sinned).  (You  have  no  right 
to  be  angry  at  the  consequences.)  Be  quiet  (rest)  thy 
brother's  return  will  be  to  thee  (i.  e.  he  will  defer,  submit 
to  you)  and  you  will  rule  over  him." 

The  story  of  the  Fall,  a  sad  and  somewhat  pessimistic 
tale,40  from  the  pen  of  the  Jahvist,  is  but  another  attempt 
of  the  human  mind  to  find  a  satisfactory  explanation  for 
the  existence  of  sorrow  and  suffering,  of  sickness  and 
death.  Just  as  in  the  Greek  fable  of  the  Golden  Age, 
man,  in  his  pristine  state  of  innocence,  lived  at  peace, 
without  moil  and  toil  eating  what  the  earth  produced, 
but  later  was  sentenced  to  earn  his  bread  by  agricultural 
toil,  so  in  the  second  account  of  creation  man  falling  a 
prey  to  temptation  is  driven  from  Paradise,  henceforth 
to  till  the  soil  in  the  sweat  of  his  brow.  Evil,  with  all 
its  consequences,  is  thus  the  result  of  man's  sinfulness.41 

"Gen.  2:25-3:9  (J1)  (850  B.  C.);  cf.  also  Worcester:  The 
Bk.  of  Gen.,  N.  Y.,  1901.  Nork  (Braminen  u.  Rabbinen, 
Meissen,  1836,  pp.  87  ff,  108  ff,  138  ff)  claims  that  the  myth 
is  taken  from  Persia  and  Egypt. 

41  Gen.  2:17-19  (J1).  The  terms  for  "sin"  in  Hebrew  as 
well  as  in  other  Semitic  languages,  frequently  do  also  sig- 
nify the  consequence  of  sin,  as  punishment  or  the  condition 
into  which  one  is  brought  by  sin.  Thus  in  Gen.  4:13  (J) 
|W  K1BOO  »3W  ^m  «  hx  fp  1D«n  "My  punishment 
is  greater  than  I  can  bear,"  expresses  both  punishment 
and  sin  (comp.  Isa.  5:18).  At  the  same  time  the 
various  expressions  for  sin  give  the  different  degrees  of 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  43 

As  far  as  the  Old  Testament  is  concerned,  there  is  little 
convincing  evidence  that  the  story  of  the  Fall  was  much 
in  the  thoughts  of  the  sacred  writers.42  The  Old  Testa- 

punishment  and  moral  culpability.  Thus  in  Lam.  3:39 
KBR  in  the  verse:  VKDrr^tf  "QJ  *n  D*1K  pIKiy.VID 
"Wherefore  does  a  man  complain  while  living,  a  man 
on  account  of  the  punishment  for  his  sins."  Comp.  Lev. 
19:17;  20:20;  22:29;  24:15;  cf.  also  Lohr  (Nowack)  Die 
Klagelieder,  Gott.,  1893,  note  to  3:39. 

Also  ^W  in  Lev.  19:15  (H)  :       DS 
"  Ye  shall  do  no  unrighteousness  in  judgment." 

Also    Dfc'K    in  Jerem  51:5  (not  genuine,  late): 

p  vrfrgp  rn-irm 


"  For  Israel  is  not  forsaken,  nor  Judah  of  JHVH    ... 
though  their  land  is  full  of  guilt  against  the  Holy  One  of 
Israel."    Comp.  I  Chron.  21:3. 
Also  Itt^a  in  Gen.  50:17  (JE  640  B.  C.) 

run  o  DnKBm  THK  r^a  *o  KB^  «3«  PJDI^  n»«n  HD 

nai;  vwzb  *u  nb  nnri 

"  So  shall  ye  say  to  Joseph,  Forgive,  I  pray  thee  now,  the 
transgression  of  thy  brethren,  and  their  sin,  for  evil  have 
they  done  thee:  and  now,  we  pray  thee  forgive  the  trans- 
gression   ..." 
Also  wn  in  Jer.  14:20  (597  B.  C.): 

^  upn  '?  wm«  jii?  Mifln  ^  «9TT 

"We  know,  O  JHVH,  our  wickedness,  and  the  iniquity  of 
our  fathers  ..." 

Cf.  on  subject  of  sin  H.  Schultz:  Alttest  Theologie,  p.  684; 
Spurrell:  Genesis,  p.  55;  Briggs:  The  Higher  Criticism  of 
Hexateuch,  N.  Y.,  1897,  pp.  153  ff;  Cheyne:  Origin  of  Psal- 
ter, p.  356  n;  Casanowicz:  Pronomasia  in  O.  T.,  Boston, 
1894,  p.  55;  Haupt:  Hebraica,  I,  p.  219;  Lohr:  Die  Klage- 
lieder, Gott.,  1893,  p.  16  n;  Bernard's  art.  "Sin"  in  Hast- 
ings' Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  IV,  p.  528  b. 

42  The  garden  of  Eden  is  possibly  alluded  to  by  the 
prophets  of  the  captivity.  Ez.  28:13;  31:9;  Isa.  51:3.  The 
tree  of  life,  Prov.  3:18;  11:30. 


44  OEIGDT  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

ment  does  not  anywhere  teach  a  corruption  of  human 
nature  derived  from  Adam,  still  less  an  imputation  of 
his  guilt.  Sin,  as  an  offence  of  man  against  God,  occu- 
pies a  most  prominent  place  in  Old  Testament  thought, 
but  nowhere  is  it  traced  to  Adam's  disobedience.  The 
peculiar  social  and  political  conditions  which  sponsored 
Christianity,  prepared  a  fruitful  soil  for  the  reception 
of  a  myth  of  the  fall  of  man,  common  among  all  ancient 
peoples.43  In  fact,  it  made  such  an  impression  that  it 
became  one  of  the  chief  dogmas  of  Primitive  Chris- 
tianity. The  theory  that  human  nature  is  a  ruin  gained 
credence  among  the  awful  degeneracy  and  corruption 
that  mark  the  period  when  the  Koman  Empire  was  tot- 
tering to  its  fall.  Men  fancied  that,  with  the  rapid 
decline  of  that  great  and  proud  world-power,  the  world 
itself  was  hastening  to  its  end.  The  view  of  man's 
nature,  as  moulded  by  Paul  into  a  dogmatic  belief,  gave 
a  decidedly  pessimistic  tinge  to  Christianity,  and  is  re- 
sponsible for  much  of  the  gloom  that  pervaded  the  ages 
in  which  the  Church  was  the  supreme  arbiter  of  the 
Western  world.  Wenley  thus  states,44  that  of  the  prob- 
lem of  evil  with  its  speculative  question,  respecting 
origin  and  end,  the  Jew  knew  nothing.45  Punishment 
in  the  mind  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  was  ever  intimately 
associated  with  sin.  This  practical  view  of  sin  pre- 
supposes a  Personal  Creator  and  a  personal  creation, 
presuppositions  amplified  in  the  Old  Testament  by  the 

48  Cf.  Nork:  Braminen  u.  Rabbinen,  Meissen,  1836,  pp. 
87  ff,  108  ff,  138  ff;  Robertson  Smith:  The  Rel.  of  the  Sem- 
ites, p.  307;  "Fall  of  man  in  Babylonian  seals,"  J.  A.  O.  S. 
11:17,  39,  and  "  Serpent  "  in  J.  A.  O.  S.  15:19  ff. 

"Aspects  of  Pess.,  p.  1. 

45  Cf.  Giidemann:  D.  Judenthum,  Wien,  1902,  p.  17. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  45 

direct  and  intimate  relation  of  the  Holy  One  of  Israel 
to  the  chosen  people.  Thus  we  read  in  the  Psalms, 
which  "coin  the  longings  and  yearnings  of  the  human 
heart  into  words/'  how  man  is  a  child  of  God,  sur- 
rounded by  the  love  of  a  Father  who  has  pity  and  for- 
giveness for  the  weaknesses  and  failings  of  his  offspring. 
Nowhere  any  trace  that  may  lead  one  to  suppose  that 
there  was  a  fall,  or  any  discord  between  a  father  and  his 
children. 
"  Bless  JHVH,  O  my  soul! 

Forget  not  all  His  benefits  (Ps.  103:2)   (P.  B.) 

Who  has  forgiven  all  thy  trespasses, 

And  has  healed  all  thine  infirmities  (ibid.  3), 

Who  has  redeemed  thy  life  from  the  pit, 

And  has  crowned  thee  with  goodness  and  mercy  (ibid.  4). 

As  a  father  loves  his  children, 

So  JHVH  loves  those  who  fear  Him. 

For  He  understands  our  nature, 

He  knows  that  we  are  dust  "  (ibid.  13,  14) 
"  Thou  causest  grass  to  grow  for  cattle, 

And  herb  for  the  service  of  man, 

So  that  bread  may  come  forth  from  the  earth, 

And  wine  to  cheer  man's  heart, 

Oil  to  make  his  skin  to  shine, 

And  bread  to  strengthen  man's  heart"    (Ps.  104:14,  15) 
P.  B.) 

In  the  eighth  Psalm,  rather  than  in  Job,  we  find  ex- 
pressed the  Old  Testament  idea  of  the  destiny  and  dig- 
nity of  man.  In  Job  we  read : 

"  What  is  man,  that  Thou  shouldest  magnify  him,  and  that 
Thou  shouldest  set  Thy  mind  upon  him  ?  "  *• 

In  the  eighth  Psalm,  which  is  older  than  the  passage 
48  (7: 17) 


46  OKIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

from  Job  and  more  recent  than  the  Priestly  account  of 
creation/7  we  read : 

"  What  is  man  that  Thou  takest  thought  of  him, 
And  the  son  of  man  that  Thou  heedest  him!  " 

This  query  finds  an  answer  in  what  follows : 
"  Thou  hast  made  him  in  rank  little  less  than  divine, 
Thou  hast  crowned  him  with  glory  and  honor! 
Thou  hast  given  him  dominion  over  the  creatures  of  Thy 

hand, 
And  to  him  hast  Thou  made  all  things  subject"   (P.  B.) 

In  the  Mishnah  Aboth  a  similar  thought  finds  expres- 
sion: Eabbi  Akiba  (died  136  C.  E.)  said: 

"  Beloved  is  man,  for  he  was  created  in  the  image  of  God: 
but  it  was  by  a  special  act  of  grace  that  this  was  made 
known  to  him."  «• 

Man,  created  in  the  image  of  his  Maker,49  and  to  whom 
God  Himself  appeals  in  the  words,  "  Ye  shall  be  holy : 
for  I  JHVH  your  God  am  holy,"  w  could  not  have  been 
created  burdened  with  sin.  To  become  holy  he  must 
start  life  without  any  heritage  of  sin. 

The  New  Testament  teaching  that  death  came  into 
the  world  through  sin  ^  is  not  known  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, at  least  not  in  the  categorical  way  in  which  it  is 
stated  in  the  New  Testament  and  in  the  Talmud.  That 
death  is  the  consequence  of  sin,  and  not  an  event  com- 

*TCf.  Wellhausen's  critical  notes  on  Psalm  VIII   (Engl. 
transl.  of  P.  B.) 
48  III:  18 

•6  runt:)  rrjrv  n|n  D^|  traatf  DIN  :mn  -IBIK  m>pi;  "\ 

48  Gen.  1:26  (500  B.  C.) 

60  Lev.  19: 2b  (H).      DDVlta   "    *; 

"Romans,  chpts.  5-8. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  47 

mon  to  all  physical  life,  is  but  a  natural  sequence  of  the 
Old  Testament  conception  of  reward  and  punishment 
ieveloped  throughout  Daniel  and  the  Apocryphal  liter- 
iture.  This  view  of  the  causal  relation  between  sin  and 
leath  is  the  dominant  one  in  the  Talmud.  Thus  we 
read:  Eabbi  Ami82  said:  "There  is  no  death  without 
(preceding)  sin,  and  no  suffering  without  (preceding) 
transgression."  '  In  support  of  this  Eabbi  Ami  quotes 
two  scriptural  passages  —  Ez.  18:4b,  "The  soul  that 
dnneth,  it  shaU  die/'  and  Ps.  89  :  32,  "  Then  will  I  visit 
their  transgressions  with  the  rod,  and  their  iniquity 
vrith  stripes."  Similarly,  Eabbi  Chijah  b.  Abba,54  who 
said  :  "  The  sick  will  not  be  restored  to  health  unless  his 
transgressions  had  been  forgiven."  l 

I  fully  coincide  with  Stade,86  who  denies  that  ancient 
[srael  looked  upon  death  as  punishment  for  sin  solely. 
Death  is  something  natural,  the  consequence  of  man's 
physical  nature  from  which  no  one  can  escape.  Stade 
irgues  with  much  cogency,  that  as  all  must  die,  death 
jannot  well  be  punishment  for  sin.  It  is  true,  that  for 

52  Fourth  century  C.  E. 

R3  (Sabbath  55a)  ptf  &O3  p1D>  f'KI.  Kl?n  &O3  niTID  p« 
3omp.  Berachoth  33a;  Aboda  Sara  5a;  Pesikta  76a;  Sifre 
38b;  Midr.  R.  Gen.  XXI;  ibid.,  Exod.  III.  Cf.  also  Spira: 
Me  Eschatologie  d.  Juden.,  Halle,  1889,  chpt.  I. 

54  Third  cent.  C.  E. 

55  Nedarim  41a. 
Comp.  Sabbath  32a. 


Man  should  pray  for  health,  for  if  he  falls  ill  people  will 
ay  to  him,  Show  your  merits  in  order  that  healing  may 
ome  to  you"  (from  God). 

M  Gesch.  d.  V.  Jisroel,  Berl.,  1887,  vol.  I,  p.  613. 


48  ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

some  sins  death  appears  as  punishment — thus  the  dese- 
cration of  the  ark  of  the  covenant  was  visited  with 
death.57  All  must  die,  must  pay  the  same  debt  to 
nature. 

"  Where  is  the  man  who  has  lived,  and  did  not  see  death, 
Who  would  save  his  life  from  the  hand  of  Sheol?  "  M 

There  are  several  references  in  the  Apocalyptic  lit- 
erature to  the  Fall: 

"  Of  the  woman  came  the  beginning  of  sin,  and  through 
her  we  all  died."  M 

"  Nevertheless  through  the  envy  of  the  devil  came  death 
into  the  world."  " 

"  The  first  Adam  having  a  wicked  heart  transgressed  and 
was  overcome  and  so  we  all  that  are  born  of  him.  O,  thou 
Adam,  what  hast  thou  done?  for  though  it  was  thou  that 
sinned,  thou  art  not  fallen  alone,  but  we  all  that  come  of 
thee."  "a 

Yet,  side  by  side  with  these  sentiments  we  frequently 
meet  with  the  Old  Testament  conception,  i.  e.  that  death 
is  a  law  of  physical  nature. 

"All  things  that  are  of  the  earth  shall  return  to  the  earth."81 
"  He  gave  them  a  few  days  and  a  short  time."  ™ 

The  Judaic  author  of  the  account  of  creation  intro- 
duces the  serpent  into  Eden  "  as  a  tempter.  Not  until 
the  time  of  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  is  Satan  identified 
with  the  serpent.  "  For  God  created  man  to  be  immor- 
tal ...  yet  through  envy  of  the  devil  came  death 
into  the  world  "  (2  :  23,  24).  The  Talmudic  doctors,  un- 

"I  Sam.  6:19  ff;  II  Sam.  6:6  f. 

68  Ps.  89:49  (after  721  B.  C.) ;  comp.  Ps.  49:8-12;  Eccl.  3:19 

""Sirach  25:24.  "Wis.  of  Sol.  2:24a. 

""all  Esdras  3:20,  21. 

61Sirach  4:11  Q1B»  pS  }K  pK»  ^>D) 

"Sirach  17:2a.  ^Cf.  Excursus.  Eden. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  49 

der  the  influence  of  Primitive  Christianity,  speak  of  an 
original  sin  and  of  Satan  as  the  evil  principle,  who  in 
the  guise  of  a  serpent  had  sexual  intercourse  with  Eve, 
and  owing  to  this  the  descendants  of  Eve  were  contami- 
aated,  which  contamination  lasted  until  the  giving  of 
the  Law  on  Sinai.64  This  element  of  Pessimism  was  to 
correct  the  fundamental  error  of  Optimism,  necessitated 
by  the  facts  of  existence.68  Evil  and  error  had  to  be  ac- 
counted for  in  some  way.  To  make  God  the  Creator 
)f  a  good  world,68  at  the  same  time  the  author  of  evil  and 
of  death 6T  would  never  do.  Theism  is  forced  to  seek  the 
cause  of  evil  outside  of  God,  i.  e.  since  save  God  only  his 
creatures  exist,  the  cause  must  be  in  them.  The  third 
chapter  of  Genesis  bears  on  its  face  the  mark  of  a  simple 
folk-tale.68  The  writer  seems  to  repeat  it  because  his 
ancestors  had  believed  that  the  origin  of  clothing,  etc., 
could  be  explained  in  that  manner.  Sin,  depravity  and 
the  need  of  redemption,  were  never  focal  in  the  Old 
Testament.  In  the  scheme  and  system  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament interpretation  of  the  world  and  man,  the  vital 
thought  is  man  rising,  not  man  fallen.  The  belief  in 
the  perf  ectability  of  human  nature  was  a  belief  strongly 

MTalm.  Sabbath  164a. 

85  Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  V,  p.  397. 

06  First  account  of  creation. 

87 "  For  God  made  not  death,"  W.  of  Sol.,  1 : 13a. 

68  Cf.  E.  Worcester:  The  Book  of  Genesis  in  the  light  of 
nodern  knowledge,  N.Y.,1901;  B.  T.  A.  Evetts :  New  Light 
:>n  the  Bible  and  the  Holy  Land,  N.  Y.;  C.  J.  Ball:  Light 
from  the  East,  or  the  Witness  of  the  Monuments,  London, 
1899;  H.  Zimmern:  The  Babylonian  and  the  Hebrew 
Genesis,  London,  1901;  F.  Delitzsch:  Babel  and  Bible, 
Chicago  and  London,  1902;  H.  Radau:  The  Creation — 
Story  of  Genesis  I,  Chicago  and  London,  1902. 

4 


R 

OF  THE 


50  OKIGIN  AND  VIEW  OP  EVIL 

ingrained  in  the  consciousness  of  the  ancient  Hebrew. 
Man  born  in  the  image  of  a  God,  who  is  holy,  shall  en- 
deavor to  realize  holiness  in  his  daily  life,  yes,  it  be- 
comes his  duty  to  do  so.69 

With  the  growing  conception  of  God  and  of  the  world 
around  them,  the  old  doctrine  of  Ketribution,  never 
wholly  overcome  in  the  ages  of  the  Old  Testament  litera- 
ture, seemed  to  conflict.  Satan  becomes  a  most  oppor- 
tune expedient  for  the  need  of  an  advanced  religious 
reflection,  to  put  God  out  of  relation  to  the  evil  of  the 
world.70  In  proportion  as  men  began  to  conceive  a 
widening  gulf  between  God  and  His  creation,  or,  as  the 
concept  of  JHVH  became  to  the  Hebrews  more  trans- 
cendent, it  was  easy  enough  to  find  some  use  for  angels 
and  demons  in  the  affairs  of  the  world.  The  exiles  com- 
ing in  contact  with  the  civilization  of  Babylonia  and 
Persia71  must  have  felt  that  their  own  views  of  the  world 
were  narrow  and  limited,  and  that  their  national  God 
JHVH  had  power  over  all  the  nations  and  peoples  oi 
the  world.  JHVH  was  thus  looking  also  after  th< 
affairs  of  others  besides  those  of  His  chosen  people.  Thu 
growing  knowledge  made  God  seem  more  distant,  furthei 
removed  from  them  in  space,  as  it  were.  This  led  th< 
Jews  in  post-exilic  days  to  borrow  sufficiently  of  th( 
Dualism  of  Persia  as  to  dream  of  an  archangel  rebellious 
in  Heaven  who  became  the  enemy  and  tempter  of  man 
This  is  substantiated  by  the  Talmud  where  it  is  sai( 

~Ler.  19:2b  (H). 

70  Cf.  Meinhold:  "Das  Problem  d.  Buches  Hiob  "  in  Neu 
Jlirbcli.  f.  deutsche  Theol.,  I,  p.  70  (Bonn);  also,  Harl 
mann:  Das  religiose  Bewusstsein,  p.  451. 

"This  belief  seems  to  be  opposed  to  by  Isajah  45:5-7  (cl 
Cheyne's  edit,  of  Hebrew  text  in  P.  B.,  where  this  passag 
is  considered  as  not  being  genuine). 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  51 

"  that  the  names  of  the  angels  came  from  Babylonia."  " 
In  one  of  the  latest  Midrashic  collections  Samael,  i.  e. 
Satan,  was  banished  from  Heaven  for  rebellion.73  Satan 
endeavored  to  draw  Michael  after  him  into  banishment 
when  God  saved  Michael. 

There  seems  to  be  general  agreement  as  to  the  Jewish 
religion  having  received  a  wholesome  stimulus  during 
the  period  of  the  Captivity  (586-536  B.  C.).74  The  exiles 
returned  to  their  native  land  with  a  purified  faith  and  a 
deepened  religious  fervor.  This  may  be  due  to  their 
wonderful  deliverance.  JHVH  had  foretold  through 
His  prophets  their  deliverance,  and  He  has  called  Cyrus 
from  the  ends  of  the  earth  to  chastise  Israel's  enemy 
and  to  give  them  freedom.75  Henceforth,  they  were 
faithful  followers  of  the  one  God,  the  God  of  Israel. 

72  Cf.  Graetz:  Gnosticismus,  Krotoschin,  1846;  also  Kohut: 
Ober.  d.  jiid.  Angelologie  u.  Demonologie,  1866,  and  "Was 
hat  d.  talm.  Eschatologie  v.  d.  Parsismus  aufgenommen  "  in 
Z.D.M.G.,  1867,  pp.  552  f;  Geiger's  Ztschf.,  vol.  IV,  p.  70; 
Jackson  (Zoroaster,  N.  Y.,  1899,  p.  140)  states:  "Zoroaster's 
teachings  had  already  taken  deep  root  in  the  soil  of  Iran 
when  the  Jews  were  in  captivity  in  Babylon;  "  alsoRosen- 
zweig:  D.  Jahrhundert  n.  d.  Babyl.  Bxll.,  Berl.,  1885,  pp. 
LOff;  Graetz:  Krit.  Comm.  z.  d.  Psalmen,  Breslau,  1883,  vol. 
El,  p.  513;  Moulton:  "Zoroastrianism "  in  Hastings'  Diet, 
rf  the  Bible,  vol.  IV. 

"Midr.  Jalkut  to  Gen.  No.  68. 

74  Cf.  Cheyne:  Jewish  Rel.  Life  after  the  Exile,  N.  Y.,  1898, 
?.  173;  also  Pfleiderer:  Wesen  d.  Rel.,  Lpzg.,  1869,  p.  344; 
Tiele:  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  im  Altertum,  Gotha,  1896,  vol.  I,  pp. 
J62ff;  Graetz:  Hist  of  the  Jews,  Phila.,  1895,  vol.  V,  pp. 
f20ff;  Geiger:  D.  Judent.  u.  seine  Gesch.,  Breslau,  1864, 
rol.  I,  pp.  67  ff;  Wellhausen:  Israel  and  Judah,  London, 
L891,  pp.  124  ff. 

76Isa.,  chpts.  40-48  (538  B.  C.)  Cf.  Cheyne's  critical  notes 
n  Engl.  transl.  of  Isa.  in  P.  B.,  p.  209. 


52  ORIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

The  germ  of  the  Satan-idea  may  possibly  be  traced  to 
I  Kings  22 : 19-23,76  where  a  prophet  in  the  days  of 
King  Ahab  (919-897  B.  C.)  vividly  depicts  a  scene  in 
the  council  of  JHVH,  in  which  a  certain  spirit  volun- 
teers, and  is  commissioned  to  be  a  lying  spirit  in  the 
mouth  of  Ahab's  prophet,  that  thereby  the  king  may 
be  deceived.  Satan  in  Job  "  is  an  angel  skeptical  not 
of  righteousness  in  general,  but  of  the  righteousness  of 
a  certain  individual.  In  no  sense  is  he  a  tempter.  He 
is  still  one  of  the  sons  of  God,  who  like  the  other  angels 
has  free  access  to  the  council-chamber  of  the  Great 
Judge.  He  is  dependent  upon  God,  and  has  no  part 
whatever  in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the  earth. 
God  alone  is  the  author  of  all.78  The  Talmudic  doctors 
condemn  the  Essenes  for  heterodoxy,  because  they  make 
God  the  author  of  good,  but  not  of  evil.T8a  Satan  occu- 
pies a  subordinate  position,  he  is  a  creation  of  God's 
hand,  and  shares  the  fate  of  all  creation.7813 

78 Cf.  Kautzsch:  "Die  Heilige  Schrift"  who  calls  it  ar 
Ephraimitic  narrative  from  the  ninth  century. 
77  Chpts.  1  and  2. 

nnVB  ^sn  »  *>M  in  Kim  D^G?  nfeto  IBTI  nm  TIK  -«r 

Isa.  45:7  (546  B.  C.) 

Cf.  Cheyne's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  of  Isajah  in  P.  B.,  p.  46;  als< 
his  critical  notes  in  Engl.  transl.,  note  20,  p.  176. 

7"aCf.  Talm.  Megillah  25a;  Berachoth  23b. 

78b  Traces  of  belief  in  evil  spirits  may  be  found  in  Ley 
17:7  (H);  Deut.  30:17  (Dt);  Isa.  13:21;  Jer.  1:39.  Th 
belief  that  certain  animals  were  endowed  with  demonl 
powers,  somewhat  like  the  Arabic  jinn,  must  have  existe 
in  comparatively  early  pre-exilic  days,  since  Gen.  3 : 1-19,  cor 
taining  the  temptation  of  Eve  by  the  serpent,  belongs  t 
the  earlier  stratum  of  J  (comp.  Numbers  22:22-34,  the  sam 
documentary  source).  But  in  the  narrative  of  the  tempt? 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  53 

But  the  Jewish  idea  of  Satan  received  some  additional 
features  from  the  attributes  of  the  gods  of  the  surround- 
ing nations.     Nothing  is  more  common  in  history  than 
the  change  of  deities  of  hostile  nations  into  demons  of 
3vil.     Thus  Beelzebub,  the  Phoenician  god,  became  an- 
)ther  name  for  Satan,™  and  Hinnom  (i.  e.  Gehenna),  the 
place  where  Moloch  had  been  worshipped  became  the 
Hebrew  name  for  hell  in  place  of  Sheol.     In  the  third 
chapter  of  Zechariah "°  Joshua,  the  High-Priest,  is  stand- 
.ng  before  the  angel  of  JHVH,  and  Satan  stands  at  his 
-ight  side  to  be  his  adversary.     Satan  is,  here,  obviously 
i  regularly  accredited  official  in  Heaven,  whose  duty  it 
a  to  present  hefore  JHVH'S  tribunal  charges  against 
nankind.     In  Chronicles81  Satan  has  developed  into  a 
listinct  personality,  at  enmity  with  JHVH  and  right- 
eousness, gifted  with  power  almost  equal  to  that  of  God 
EEimself .     He  stood  up  against  Israel,  and  moved  David 
o  number  the  people.     If  we  contrast  this  incident  with 
he  one  related  in  Samuel  **  (pre-exilic)  where  we  read : 
'  And  again  the  anger  of  the  Lord  was  kindled  against 
"srael,  and  He  moved  David  against  them,  saying,  Go 
lumber  Israel  and  Judah,"  we  discern  that  in  the  more 

ion  of  Eve  there  is  no  hint  that  an  evil  spirit  resided  in 
he  serpent.  Cf.  Whitehouse  article,  Demon,  in  Hastings' 
Mbl.  Diet.,  vol.  I;  Duschak:  Die  Bibl.  Talmudische  Glaub- 
nslehre,  Breslau,  1885,  pp.  137  ff;  A.  Wise:  "The  Origin 
'f  Jewish  Angelology  and  Demonology,"  Conference  Papers, 
*.  Y.,  1888;  Boswell:  "The  Evolution  of  Angels  and  De- 
aons  "  in  Open  Court,  Chicago,  Aug.,  1900. 

79  Cf.  Art.  "  Beelzebub  "  in  Jewish  Encycl.,  vol.  II,  p.  629b. 

80  (520  B.  C.)     In  the  Targum  Jonathan  ben  Uzziel   (c. 
5  C.  E.)  the  term    \QW    in  Zech.  3:1,  2  is  rendered 

nd  KDH!  the  latter  meaning  one  who  tempts  to  sin. 
"I  Bk.  21:1  (300  B.  C.)  82  H  Sam.  24:1. 


54  OKIGIN  AND  VIEW  OF  EVIL 

recent  account  Satan  assumes  the  task  ascribed  to  God 
in  the  pre-exilic  narrative.  The  conception  of  Satan, 
which  finds  its  source  in  the  belief  in  supernatural  beings, 
common  to  all  peoples  in  their  early  stage  of  civiliza- 
tion, is  more  and  more  developed  by  the  Apocalyptic  "* 
and  Apocryphal  writers,88*1  until  it  reaches  its  final  devel- 
opment in  the  New  Testament  where  Satan  is  looked 
upon  as  the  veritable  Master  of  this  world.  As  Master 
of  this  world  he  is  antagonistic  to  God.  Satan  is  "  the 
God  of  this  world  "  who  "  hath  blinded  the  minds  of  the 
unbelieving." !  This  view  of  Satan  is  foreshadowed  in 
the  Wisdom  of  Solomon,85  where  Satan  is  possessed  of 
power  independent  of  God  and  dares  to  oppose  God's 
plan — "  through  envy  of  the  devil  came  death  into  the 
world."'  When  Eome  finally  conquered  Judaea  (70 
C.  E.),  and  JHVH  failed  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  those 
who  looked  upon  Him  as  their  special  Protector  and 
Friend,  Satan's  position  became  more  exalted,  hence- 

""Deane  states  (Pseudepigrapha,  Edinb.,  1891,  Introd.) : 
"  The  degradation  of  Israel  under  its  pagan  oppressors,  and 
the  temporary  triumph  of  the  chosen  people  in  the  Macca- 
bean  period,  gave  rise  to  the  Apocalyptic  literature.  An  un- 
swerving zeal  for  the  Law,  and  a  glowing  hope  of  a  happy 
future,  formed  the  characteristics  of  this  period."  Cf.  also 
Hibbert  Lectures,  1892,  p.  467. 

8sa  Writings,  partly  in  Hebrew  and  partly  in  Greek,  having 
some  pretension  to  the  character  of  Scriptures,  or  received 
as  such  by  certain  sects,  but  excluded  from  the  Canon.  Cf . 
Art.  "Apocrypha"  in  Jewish  Encycl.,  vol.  II;  Karpeles: 
Gesch.  d.  jiid.  Lit.,  Berl.,  1886,  vol.  I,  pp.  168  ff ;  Joel.  Blickc 
i.  d.  Religionsgesch.,  vol.  I,  pp.  68  ff. 

"II  Cor.  4:4. 

55  Cf.  Siegfried's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I,  p 
479. 

"2:24, 


IN   THE    OLD   TESTAMENT  55 

forth  he  is  the  Prince  of  Evil  to  whom  God  has  assigned 
the  rule  of  the  present  world  until  He  Himself  will  in- 
tercede and  bring  about  the  Kingdom  of  God.  In  the 
N"ew  Testament  his  powers  are  fully  recognized.87  Jesus, 
his  disciples,  and  all  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament, 
had  a  profound  and  vigorous  belief  in  the  devil  and  in 
evil  spirits.88  In  the  Book  of  Tobit  (c.  100  B.  C.)  angels 
and  demons,  for  the  first  time  in  Jewish  literature,  play 
an  important  part.  Here  the  angels  are  possessed  of 
Dower  to  save  men  from  impending  trouble,  also  from 
3vil  spirits.  Eaphael,  the  archangel,  cures  blindness 
and  other  ills  human  flesh  is  heir  to ;  also  Sara  he  gives 
for  a  wife  to  Tobias,  and  he  has  the  power  to  bind  evil 
spirits.89  The  angels  are  on  friendly  footing  with  men.90 
Tobias  sends  the  angel  to  fetch  some  money,  and  to- 
gether they  attend  a  wedding.81 

8TMatt.  13:39;  John  12:31. 

88  Matt.  12:25-28;  Luke  10:17-20. 

"•3:17.  »°5:16. 

91Chpt.  IX;  cf.  Spencer  (Principles  of  Sociology,  N.  Y., 
L901,  vol.  I,  p.  242) :  "  In  the  earlier  days  the  Hebrews  em- 
ployed some  physical  process,  akin  to  the  process  we  find 
imong  savages,  such  as  making  a  dreadful  stench  by  burn- 
ng  the  heart  and  liver  of  a  fish.  Through  such  exorcism, 
;aught  by  the  angel  Raphael,  the  demon  Asmodeus  was 
Iriyen  out  and  fled  to  Egypt  when  he  had  smelled  the 
smoke.  But  later  as  in  the  exorcism  of  Christ,  the  physical 
process  was  replaced  by  the  compulsion  of  superior  super- 
mtural  agency."  Cf.  also  Kohut:  "D.  B.  Tobit"  in 
Niger's  Ztschft.,  1872,  p.  50;  Kohut:  Angelology  u.  Demon- 
Dlogy,  p.  72,  where  Asmodeus  is  identified  with  Aeshman  in 
Zend  Avesta;  Carus:  The  Hist,  of  the  Devil  and  the  idea 
Df  Evil,  Chicago,  1900;  Everett:  "The  Devil"  in  New 
World,  March,  1895,  and  "Der  Damon  Asmodeus  i.  B.  To- 
Dias  "  in  Theol.  Quartalschrift,  1856,  pp.  422-445. 


CHAPTER  IV 
VIEW  or  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Everywhere  in  the  Old  Testament  the  joyous  and  ' 
harmonious  notes  of  life  are  accentuated.  Life  is  syn- 
onymous with  good  and  blessing,  death  with  evil. 
Therefore,  in  Genesis  3: 19  (J1)  death  is  spoken  of  as  a 
curse  and  a  punishment.1  The  optimistic  view  of  life 
came  naturally  to  the  ancient  Hebrews.  It  stood  at 
the  foundation  of  their  religious  creed.  Not,  that  the 
ancient  Hebrews  were  ignorant  of  any  discordant  note 
in  life's  symphony,  but  they  reasoned,  that  as  God 
created  the  world,  evil  must  be  the  work  of  man. 
Judaism,  as  soon  as  it  made  itself  felt  as  a  philosophy 
of  life,  was  conquered  by  an  ardent  faith  in  Providence, 
and  Optimism  remained  the  dominant  view  through  the 
ages.  Schopenhauer,  greatly  struck  by  this  fact,  as- 
serts/ that  the  fundamental  distinction  between  reli- 
gions was  not  a  matter  of  Monotheism  or  Polytheism, 
Pantheism  or  Atheism,  but  of  Optimism  and  Pessimism. 
That  makes,  Schopenhauer  continues,  the  fundamental 
distinction  between  the  Old  Testament  and  New  Testa- 
ment. The  Old  Testament  was  a  religion  of  Optimism, ' 
the  New  Testament  that  of  Pessimism.  "And  God 
saw  all  that  He  had  made,'  and  behold  it  was  very 

1  Gunzig:  Der  Pessimismus  im  Judenthum,  Krakau,  1899, 
p.  9. 

'Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  196.  Cf.  Lowenstein:  Schopen- 
hauer und  d.  Judentum  in  Dr.  Gossel's  "  Popular-wissen- 
schaftliche  Vortrage,  Frankfurt  a/M,  1902. 


58        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

good  "  8  holds  the  entire  philosophy  of  Optimism.  Ex- 
cept in  the  Books  of  Job  and  Ecclesiastes,  and  in  a  few 
of  the  Psalms,  it  scarcely  occurred  to  the  Hebrew  mind 
that  there  could  be  any  other  view  of  life  than  that 
which  looked  out  upon  it  through  the  medium  of  satis- 
faction and  hope.  The  predominant  note  of  cheerful- 
ness running  through  the  Old  Testament  was,  undoubt- 
edly, the  outcome  of  faith,  a  complete  dependence  upon 
a  God  who  had  ordered  all  things  for  a  beneficent  pur- 
pose.* The  course  of  human  civilization  conclusively 
indicates  that  all  peoples  start  from  a  simple  Optimism, 
but,  that  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  life,  Pessimism 
crowds  out  Optimism,  as  it  were.  Thus  in  India  and 
Greece  the  pessimistic  philosophy  of  life  was  developed 
into  a  system.  In  the  Old  Testament,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  pessimistic  tendency  was  ^successfully  over- 
come by  faith  in  a  Creator  and  the  goilfcess  and  wis- 
dom of  His  work.5  The  Proverb  : 

"  A  merry  heart  causes  good  healing  / 

But  a  broken  spirit  dries  up  the  bones."  * 

expresses  tersely  the  Old  Testament  view  of  life.  In 
the  midst  of  the  joy  and  gladness  of  life  the  few  pessi- 
mistic utterances  are  lost  sight  of  in  the  Old  Testament. 
If  it  depicts  life  as  full  of  troubles,  it  portrays  life  as 
full  of  victory  over  troubles.  If  clouds  that  overhang 
men  often  seem  black  and  sullen,  in  the  very  heart  of 


8  Gen.  i:3ia  (P)  nfcp  3nrn|rij 

*Cf.  Mechilta  to  Ex.  16:4:  1DW1B  &O3  DV  &n3P  »» 
"He  who  created  the  day,  prepared  also  the  daily  suste- 
nance." Comp.  Talm.  Sota  48b. 

5Philippson:  Weltbewegende  Fragen,  Lpzg.,  1869,  vol.  I, 
p.  134. 

•17:22:   Dnj-pjEi  n«5?  nnj  nna 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        59 

the  cloud  "  springs  the  bow  of  Hope."  One  cannot 
read  far  in  its  pages  without  meeting  with  expressions 
of  ethical  courage  and  strains  of  hope  and  joy  in  moral 
vdctory.  The  moral  achievement  is  assumed  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course,  and  is  attended  by  the  blessedness  of 
dwelling  in  the  Divine  Presence.  This  is  voiced  in  the 
fifteenth  psalm: 
"  O  JHVH,  in  Thy  tent,  who  dares  to  sojourn? 

On  Thy  holy  mountain,  who  dares  to  dwell? 

He  who  lives  blamelessly,  and  practices  righeteousness, 

And  speaks  from  his  heart  what  is  true, 

Who  utters  no  slander  with  his  tongue, 

Does  no  wrong  to  another, 

And  his  neighbor  he  does  not  calumniate, 

Pompous  arrogance  he  despises, 

The  God-fearing  man  he  respects, 

He  pledges  his  word  to  his  neighbor  and  keeps  it, 

He  puts  not  out  his  money  at  interest, 

And  cannot  be  bribed  to  injure  the  innocent. 

He  who  does  this,  for  all  time  cannot  be  shaken."    (P.  B.) 
"  Be  glad  in  JHVH,  and  exult,  O  ye  righteous,  V 

Shout  for  joy,  all  ye  who  are  honest  of  mind"  (Ps.  32).T 
"  Though  I  walk  in  the  midst  of  distress,  Thou  keepest  me 
alive; 

Against  the  anger  of  my  foes  Thou  stretchest  Thy  hand; 

Thy  right  hand  helps  me. 

JHVH  recompenses  me, 

Thy  goodness,  O  JHVH,  is  ever-enduring. 

Forsake  not  the  works  of  Thy  hands  "  (Ps.  138:7,  8).8 


7Pre-exilic.  Cf.  Ewald:  Die  poetischen  Bttcher  des  Alten 
Bundes,  Gottingen,  1835,  vol.  II.,  p.  45;  cf.  also  Cheyne: 
Origin  of  Ps.,  N.  Y.,  1895,  p.  89  ad  locum;  "  Note  how  the 
O.  T.  religion  is  throughout  one  of  joy." 

8  500  B.  C. 


60        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

"Whither  can  I  go  from  Thy  spirit? 
Or  whither  flee  from  Thy  countenance? 
If  I  ascend  to  heaven,  Thou  art  there! 
If  I  should  take  the  wings  of  the  dawn, 
And  alight  in  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  sea, 
Even  there  would  Thy  hand  lead  me, 
And  Thy  right  hand  hold  me."    (Ps.  139:7-10.)    (P.  B.) 

/  Expressions  of  despondency,  bordering  on  despair, 
serve  only  to  throw  into  greater  relief  the  unconquer- 
able faith  in  a  living  God,  a  faith  re-echoed  in  all  the 
writings  of  the  Prophets  and  Psalmists: 
"  What  is  man  that  Thou  takest  thought  of  him, 
And  a  son  of  man  that  Thou  heedest  him?  "     (Ps.  8:4.) 

These  cheerless  and  gloomy  musings  of  the  poet  are 
suddenly  changed  to  a  tone  of  hopefulness,  he,  evi- 
dently, catches  himself  in  time  and  the  native  Optim- 
ism of  his  people  reasserts  itself  and  he  continues: 
"  Thou  hast  made  him  in  rank  little  less  than  divine, 

Thou  hast  crowned  him  with  glory  and  honor! 

Thou  hast  given  him  dominion  over  the  creatures  of  Thy 
hand, 

And  to  him  hast  Thou  made  all  things  subject."     (Ps. 
8:5-6.)9 

In  the  forty-ninth  Psalm,  a  composition  later  than 
the  eighth  Psalm,  the  process  is  reversed.  The  Psalm- 
ist opens  with  an  expression  of  confidence  in  JHVH 
and  puts  from  him  any  thought  of  fear  in  the  day 
of  misfortune.  But  after  some  reflection  upon  the 
variety  of  things  men  are  accustomed  to  value,  and 
upon  the  universality  of  death,  he  falls  into  a  pessi- 
mistic mood: 

'Later  than  500  B.  C. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        61 

"  Why  should  I  fear  in  days  of  misfortune, 
When  the  malice  of  mine  oppressor  surround  me. 

Man  does  not  continue  in  lordliness; 
He  is  like  to  the  beast  that  is  slaughtered."     (Ps.  49: 
5,  12.) 

Studying  the  Old  Testament  one  must  be  impressed 
with  the  fact  that  the  optimistic,  as  well  as  the  pessi- 
mistic views  held  therein,  do  not  lose  themselves  in 
shallow  vaporings  or  in  morbid  vapid  reflections  as  both 
views  are  represented  by  ideal  conceptions  of  what  is 
perfect  and  satisfying.  The  optimist  believes  in  his 
notion  as  a  possibility  and  certainty;  the  pessimist,  on 
the  contrary,  uses  his  ideal  purely  as  a  concept  for  V 
bringing  into  bolder  relief  and  clearer  outlines  the 
worthlessness  and  the  unsatisfying  character  of  reality. 
These  views  are  clearly  enunciated  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. The  ancient  Hebrews  felt  that  there  are  things 
in  the  world  that  they  desired.  The  ever-recurring 
burden  of  prophecy  as  well  as  the  basic  thought  of  the 
Khokma  literature,  is  the  final  vindication  of  virtue, 
and  the  destruction  of  vice.  The  ancient  Hebrews 
felt  within  themselves  the  desire  to  combat  the  evil  and 
to  help  the  cause  of  justice  and  righteousness.  The 
mere  belief  that  evil  can  be  lessened,  if  not  wholly 
removed,  and  that  vice  and  injustice  can  be  conquered, 
makes  for  an  optimistic  view  of  life. 

The  joyous  strain  of  existence  bursts  forth  every- 
where. The  cult,  too,  is  marked  by  a  characteristic  of 
joy  and  cheer,  for  it  signified  union  between  the  Creator 
and  his  creation — man.10 

10"Freude  war  der  Grundton  des  althebraischen  Cultus, 
weil  er  die  Vereinigung  der  Menschen  mit  Gott  und  unter- 
einander  bedeutete."  Cf.  Smend:  Religionsgesch.,  Freiburg, 
1893,  second  ed.,  p.  125. 


6£        VIEW  OF  LIFE  nsr  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Thus  we  read: 

"  Rejoice  in  thy  feast."  u 

"  Rejoice,  thou  and  thine  household."  " 

"And  thou  shalt  be  altogether  joyful."" 

"  Rejoice  in  all  you  do." l* 

"  And  ye  shall  rejoice  before  the  Lord  your  God." 1B 

"  Serve  JHVH  with  delight, 

Come  before  Him  with  songs  of  gladness."  10 
"  Rejoice,  young  man,  in  thy  youth."  17 
"  Go  thy  way,  eat  thy  bread  with  joy."  18 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  Optimism  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment that  he  who  took  upon  himself  the  vow  of  the 
Nazarite  had  to  bring  a  sin-offering  (Num.  6 : 2-20  P), 
to  atone,  evidently,  for  having  foresworn  the  joys  and 
pleasures  of  life.18* 

The  conception  of  joy,  in  the  Old  Testament,  is  free 
from  the  charge  of  "being  extreme.  It  means  neither 
surrender  to  the  world  and  its  pleasures  and  pastimes, 
nor  escape  from  them.  All  things  having  emanated 
from  God — the  sourse  of  perfection — are,  therefore, 
good.  Over-indulgence  or  abuse  makes  them  evil. 
The  Pagan  was  an  extremist  in  his  mode  of  living. 
Either,  he  gave  himself  wholly  up  to  a  life  of  license 

"Dewt.  16:14  (D),  623  B.  C. 
12Deut.  14:26  (D),  623  B.  C. 
18Deut.  16:15  (D),  623  B.  C. 

"Deut.  12:7  (D),  623  B.  C.     Cf.  I  K.  8:66  (Dt),  600  B.C. 
15  Lev.  23:40  (H),  500  B.  C. 
16 Ps.  100:2  (post-exilic). 

"Eccl.  ll:9a  (37-4  B.  C.)   (genuine).    Cf.  Haupt:  The  Bk. 
of  Eccl.  in  Oriental  Studies,  p.  256. 
18Eccl.  9:7a  (37-4  B.  C.)    (genuine). 
18aCf.  Talmud  Nasir  19a;  22a. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        63 

and  sensuality,  or  he  fled  from  the  madding  world  as 
from  something  to  be  abhorred.  Wiinsche  correctly 
sums  up  the  Old  Testament  view  of  life:19  "Enjoy- 
ment of  life  and  true  piety,"  he  states,  "  are  not  incom- 
patible with  one  another."  Nowhere  does  joy  degen- 
erate, in  the  Old  Testament,  into  frivolity  and  immor- 
ality. In  his  most  joyful  mood  the  Hebrew  never  for- 
got his  dependence  upon  JHVH,  who  being  a  God  of 
holiness  required,  "  to  do  justly,  and  to  love  kindness, 
and  to  walk  humbly  with  thy  God."20  To  the  Greek 
god  and  man  were  not  even  contrasted  as  perfect  and 
imperfect,  for  Olympus  repeats  and  exaggerates  all  the 
dees  of  men.  The  god  of  the  Greeks  was  simply  an 
intensified,  not  a  purified,  man.21  Greek  religion  grew 
Dut  of  the  self-assertion  of  man.  It  knows  nothing  of 
the  antithesis  of  Creator  and  creature,  so  strongly  em- 
phasized in  the  Old  Testament. 

Furthermore,  it  must  be  noticed  that  to  the  ancient 
Eebrew  the  hedonistic  value  of  life  did  not  imply  sel- 
ishness.  He  consecrated  his  joy  by  making  others  par- 
icipants  in  it;  he  understood  that  if  we  would  make 
)ur  own  life  joyful,  we  must  send  sunshine  into  the 
ives  of  others.  In  brief,  to  have  joy,  we  must  give  joy. 
The  commandment  that  enjoins  the  celebration  of  the 

19  Cf.  Wiinsche:  D.  Freude  in  d.  Schriften  d.  Alten  Bundes, 
Weimar,  1896,  p.  44. 

^Micah  6:8  (650  B.  C.). 

21  Cf.  Nietzsche:  TJbermensch.,  Stuttgart,  1897,  p.  24,  71; 
ilso  by  same  author,  "Also  sprach  Zarathustra,"  Lpzg.,  1897, 
fol.  I,  p.  112;  Fouillee:  "The  Ethics  of  Nietzsche  and 
iuyan,"  in  Int.  J.  of  Ethics,  vol.  XIII,  No.  1  (Oct.,  1902). 


64        VIEW  or  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Feast  of  Weeks  *  closes  with  the  injunction,  "  thou 
shalt  rejoice  before  JHVH,  Thy  God,  thou,  thy  son,, 
thy  daughter,  thy  man-servant,  thy  maid-servant,  the 
Levite  who  is  within  thy  gates,  the  stranger,  the  father- 
less and  the  widow  who  are  in  thy  midst."  28  In  addi- 
tion to  the  feasts  enjoined  by  the  Law,  festal-gather- 
ings to  celebrate  joyful  domestic  events  were  frequent. 
Laban  celebrated  the  nuptials  of  Jacob  and  Rachel.24 
Prominent  strangers  are  made  welcome  by  a  gathering 
to  which  many  are  bidden.25  Also  when  Isaac  is 
weaned  Abraham  celebrates  the  event,26  and  the  harvest 
was  a  time  of  song  and  mirth.27 

The  attitude  of  the  Old  Testament  toward  external 
goods  was,  upon  the  whole,  sensible  and  manly.  They 
were  neither  overvalued  nor  despised.28  The  ordinary 
external  joys  of  life  have,  ever,  seemed  to  the  ancient 
Hebrew  very  real  and  precious.  The  desire  for  wealth 
is,  nowhere,  looked  down  up,  and  poverty  that  is 
voluntary  is  not  extolled  as  a  virtue.  Poverty  is  rathei 
looked  upon  as  an  evil,  as  is  expressed  by  one  of  the 
sages  of  the  Talmud,  "  the  life  of  the  poor  is  no  life."  2 
On  the  other  hand,  the  dangers  of  great  wealth  are 
pointed  out  as  leading  to  idolatry  and  to  oppression  o 

"Deut.  16:9-11  (D);  comp.  ibid.,  25:25-28  (D). 

28Deut.  16:11  (D);  comp.  ibid.,  16:14. 

24  Gen.  29:22  (J2). 

25Bxod.  18:12  (RJE).  26  Gen.  21:8  (B). 

27Isa.  16:10  (c.  540  B.  C.).  Cf.  Cheyne's  critical  notes  t 
Heb.  text  in  P.  B.,  p.  126,  1.  5. 

28  Cf.  Pfeiffer:  D.  Religios-sittliche  Weltanschauung  c 
B.  d.  Spriiche,  Miinchen,  1897,  p.  232;  cf.  also  Eccl.  40:25-27 
Wellhausen:  Israel,  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  p.  215. 

^(Talm.  Nedarim  64b)  '131  ini¥B1  W  HDD  |'216?n  PW2T 
comp.  ibid.,  7b. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        65 

rthers.80    The  prophets  denounce  wealth  as  the  cause 
»f  selfishness: 

"  Woe  unto  those  who  join  house  to  house,  who  add  field 
o  field,  till  there  is  no  more  room,  and  ye  are  settled  alone 
a  the  midst  of  the  land!"  (P.  B.)81 

Then  wealth  leads  to  enervating  luxury  as  described 
>y  Amos.82  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  insti- 
utions  of  the  Shemitta  and  of  the  Jubilee  year  w  were 
ailed  forth  as  a  check  upon  the  amassing  of  great 
wealth  and  as  a  prevention  of  pauperism. 

The  Wisdom-literature,  which  reflects  the  practical 
ffairs  of  life,  is  of  much  importance  for  the  study  of 
he  view  of  life  common  among  the  people.  From  that 
iterature  we  glean  that  wealth  is  not  despised,  it  is 
ather  a  blessing  that  comes  in  the  shape  of  reward  to 
he  pious,  yet,  wealth  is  not  the  one  and  only  thing  that 
onditions  earthly  happiness.  "  Eiches  profit  not  in  the 
ay  of  wrath:  but  righteousness  delivers  from  death."84 

'  Weary  not  thyself  to  be  rich,  cease  from  your  plans."85 
'Better  is  little  with  righteousness,  than  great  revenues 

with  injustice."  38 

'  How  much  better  is  it  to  get  wisdom,  than  gold, 
Yea,  to  get  understanding  is  rather  to  be  chosen  than 

silver."  w 

'  Better  is  a  dry  morsel  and  quietness  therewith, 
Than  a  house  full  of  sacrifices  (practically  banquet)  with 
strife." » 

80Deut.  8:11-14  (D);  ibid.,  32:15,16  (c.  570  B.  C.). 

31  Isa.  5:8  (c.  735  B.  C.) ;  comp.  Micah  2:1,  2. 

82  6: 1-7.  83Lev.  chpt.  25  (H). 

84  Prov.  11:14;  comp.  Ps.  49:6-12,  16-20. 

85  Prov.  23 : 4.  M  Prov.  16 : 8. 
81  Prov.  16 : 16.  «  Prov.  17 : 1. 

5 


66        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

"  He  that  loveth  silver  shall  not  be  satisfied  with  silver; 
Nor  he  that  loveth  abundance,  with  increase;  this  is  also 
vanity."  39 

Children,  and  especially  sons,  were  regarded  as  a 
great  blessing  from  God: 

"  Sons  are  a  gift  from  JHVH, 
The  fruit  of  the  womb  is  a  present. 
As  arrows  in  the  hand  of  a  warrior 
So  are  the  sons  of  the  days  of  youth. 
Happy  the  man  who  has  his  quiver  full  thereof; 
They  will  not  be  put  down,  when  they  argue  with  foes  be- 
fore judges."  *° 

Children  were  not  only  a  gift  from  God,  bringing  joy 
and  happiness  to  the  home-circle,  but  they  were  re- 
garded as  future  supporters  of  God's  Kingdom41  and 
the  main  support  of  the  home.42 

Among  the  Greeks  in  Homeric  times  childlessness 
was  looked  upon  as  a  dire  misfortune,  a  punishment  of 
the  gods,43  and  so  it  was  among  the  Hebrews.  The  fol- 
lowing quotations  will  make  this  clear: 

"  And  Abram  said,  O  Lord  God,  what  wilt  Thou  give  me, 
seeing  I  go  hence  childless."  ** 


39Eccl.  5:9. 

40  Ps.  127:3-5,  536  B.  C.;  cf.  Wellhausen:  Critical  notes  on 
Psalms  in  P.  B.    (English  transl.),  p.  210;   also,  Haupt  in 
KAT,  vol.  Ill,  229:8;  39:50;   cf.  Johns  Hopkins  Circulars 
July,  1894,  p.  109;  also,  Stevens:  Notes  of  a  Critical  Com 
mentary  on  the  Songs  of  the  Return,  Chicago,  1896,  p.  162 

41  Ps.  8:3  (later  than  500  B.  C.). 

42  Ps.  127:4.  5  (586  B.  C.) ;  comp.  Addis:  Documents  of  the 
Hexateuch,  London,  1892,  vol.  II,  p.  125. 

43  Cf.  Schmidt:  Gesch.  d.  Piidagogik,  Cothen,  1890,  fourtl 
ed.,  vol.  I,  p.  484. 

"Gen.  15:2  (JE). 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  ra  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        67 

"  And  when  Rachel  saw  that  she  bare  Jacob  no  children, 
she  envied  her  sister,  and  said  unto  Jacob,  Give  me  children, 
>r  else  I  die."  ** 

"And  she  conceived  and  bare  a  son;  and  said:  God  has 
aken  away  my  reproach."  45a 

"  And  now  hear  this,  O  Voluptuous  One,  who  sittest  se- 
curely, 

Who  sayest  in  thy  heart:  I,  and  none  but  me! 

I  shall  not  sit  in  widowhood  and  know  the  loss  of  chil- 
dren." * 

True  morality  and  genuine  goodness  consist  in  in- 
reasing  the  sum  of  life.  Kespect  is,  therefore,  en- 
oined  for  the  life  of  others,  and  it  is  one's  duty  to  save 
thers  from  direct  or  indirect  danger  of  life.  If  an  ox 
ras  known  to  he  dangerous  and  it  gored  a  human  heing 
3  death,  its  owner  was  guilty  of  murder.47  Again  we 
nd:  "  When  thou  huildest  a  new  house,  then  thou 
bait  make  a  battlement  for  thy  roof,  that  thou  bring 
ot  blood  upon  thy  house,  if  any  man  fall  from 
lence."  4  Wherever  capital  punishment  is  decreed  in 
he  Mosaic  Code  it  is,  indirectly,  for  the  preservation 

45  Gen.  30:1  (E) ;  cf.  I  Sam.  1:6.11  (about  740  B.  C.). 
«aGen.  30:23. 

"Isa.  47:8-10  (about  546  B.  C.) ;  cf.  Giidemann:  Das 
identhum,  Wien,  1902,  p.  11;  comp.  Talmud  B.  Moed  Katon, 
b.  V2  tihl  ^TKI  JKD5?  *OK  6&3K  U*?  ^>TK  tit? 
Weep  for  the  dead,  that  is  for  him,  who  dies  childless;  " 
so,  Midrash  Rabba  to  Genesis  §45,  "  He  who  has  no  chil- 
*en  may  be  compared  to  one  who  is  dead." 
47Exod.  21:8  (E) ;  comp.  ibid.,  20:13;  21:  12,  14,  20  (E); 
jv.  24:17,  21  (H).  Rashi  explains  (Lev.  19:16b  H) 

-pn  on  hy  "n»im  xh 

Do  not  leave  your  neighbor  when  his  life  is  in  danger." 
"Deut.  22:8  (D). 


68        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  life,48*  for  even  the  sins,  other  than  murder,481*  for 
which  it  could  be  incurred,  were  each  and  all  of  a 
character  to  undermine  the  physical  life  and  well-being 
of  the  community.  Thus  idolatry,  which  offered  free 
and  unrestrained  play  to  the  lowest  passions,  as  well  as 
adultery,  sodomy  and  incest  are  punished  with  death.49 
That  the  world  is  very  good;  that  mankind  should 
multiply  to  cause  happiness  to  others;  that  life  is  sacred 
because  it  is  a  gift  of  God;  these  are  reflections  of  one 
who  is  thoroughly  satisfied  with  life  and  prefers  exist- 
ence to  non-existence.  Long  life  was,  therefore,  some- 
thing desirable,  especially  when  the  hoary  head  could 
point  to  his  children  and  his  children's  children  whc 
were  to  maintain  the  name  and  the  honor  of  the  family 

"  The  crown  of  old  men  are  children's  children 
And  the  glory  of  sons  their  fathers."60 

Where  life  was  so  greatly  valued,  death  was  viewed 
as  the  greatest  of  evils,  especially,  premature  death.61 

The  Old  Testament  view  of  life  becomes  clearer  whei 
contrasted  with  the  views  among  contemporaneous  peo 

l:28a  (P)       1311    113   DrD  1O&O1  DTl^N  DDK  "pi 


"And  God  blessed  them;  and  said  unto  them,  Be  fruitfi 
and  multiply,  and  replenish  the  earth." 

**>  nvin  tih  "  Thou  shalt  not  murder,"  Exod.  20:13  (E) 
cf.  Deut.  5:17  (D). 

49Deut.  22:23-26  (D);  Exod.  22:18  (P);  Lev.  20:2.9-21 
chpt.  18  (H). 

50  Prov.  17  :  6.    In  Babylon,  too,  many  prayers  were  directe 
to  the  Deity  for  long  life  and  earthly  immortality.    Cf.  Jer 
mias:  Holle  u.  Paradies  bei  d.  Babyloniern,  Lpzg.,  1900,  p. 

51  Cf.  Gen.  42:38  (  J)  ;  also  Frey:  Tod.  etc.,  Lpzg.,  1898, 
186  fl. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        69 

pies.  The  unsatisfactory  state  of  affairs  must  needs 
suggest  to  the  thoughtful  an  ideal,  i.  e.,  either  a  de- 
terioration from,  or  a  development  into,  a  perfect  state. 
Paganism  believed  in  the  gradual  decline  of  mankind 
from  a  pristine  state  of  innocence  and  bliss — the  golden 
age — through  successive  ages,  such  as  the  silver,  the 
brass,  and  the  iron  age.  In  keeping  with  this  belief 
the  poor  old  world  has  been  on  the  down  grade  from 
the  beginning,  getting  worse  and  worse  as  the  world 
grows  older.  The  cause  of  the  world's  gradual  but 
steady  decline  is  due,  according  to  the  reasonings  of  the 
heathen  philosophers,  not  to  the  transgression  of  man, 
but  to  the  nature  that  inheres  in  the  world  and  to  the 
antagonism  existing  among  the  gods.  Man,  not  re- 
sponsible for  the  downward  course  of  the  world,  has 
no  means  at  his  command  to  stay  it.  Thus,  the  golden 
age  will  never  return.  The  myth  of  a  primitive  state 
of  innocence  and  happiness  is  not  peculiar  to  classical 
mythology;  it  appears,  also,  among  Oriental  peoples. 
Brinton,  is  authority  for  the  statement,  that  the  myth 
of  the  terrestrial  Paradise  is  found  among  American 
Indians,  the  Polynesians,  and  the  Semites.52  In  the 
Old  Testament  the  golden  age  is  not  in  the  past  but  in 
the  days  that  are  to  come.  It  places  its  Messianic 
glory  not  in  any  achievement  of  past  ages,  but  in  the 
advent  of  some  glorious  hour.  There  is  a  most  re- 
markable Talmudic  legend  "  that  relates  how  a  certain 
Rabbi  one  day  meets  Elijah,  the  Prophet,  and  inquires 

62  Cf.  Brinton:  Religions  of  Primitive  Peoples,  N.  Y.,  1897, 
pp.  126  ff. 

"Talm.  Sanhedrin,  98a;  cf.  Matt.  27:47;  17:10;  also 
(Jeiger:  Was  hat  Mohammed  aus  d.  Judenthume'  aufgenom- 
men,  Lpzg.,  1892,  p.  188. 


70        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  him  the  time  of  the  coming  of  the  Messiah.  "  Go,3' 
replies  the  Tishbite,  "and  ask  the,  Messiah  himself, 
you  will  find  him  at  the  city-gate,  and  by  this  token 
you  will  know  him,  that  he  sits  among  the  poor  and 
the  sick.  A  man  of  sorrows  himself,  he  administers 
lovingly  to  those  who  suffer,  and  binds  up  their 
wounds."  The  Rabbi  finds  the  Messiah,  and  asks  his 
question — "When  wilt  thou  come  0,  Master?" 
"  Today "  is  the  given  reply.  Meeting  Elijah  again, 
the  Rabbi  exclaimed,  "  the  Messiah  has  deceived  me,  he 
said  he  will  come  today,  but  he  has  not  come."  "  Nay," 
answered  Elijah,  "  he  is  no  deceiver,  in  truth  will  he 
come  today — yes,  today — as  the  Psalmist  says,  '  if  ye 
will  hearken  unto  the  Lord's  voice/ ''  We  shall  lose 
the  meaning  of  this  story  if  we  do  not  see  that,  in 
speaking  of  the  Messiah,  it  is  speaking  not  merely  of  a 
hero  who  is  to  establish  the  reign  of  Universal  peace 
by  a  sudden  miracle,  but  of  a  general  uplifting  of  the 
human  race,  which  is  to  be  one  of  the  conditions  neces- 
sary for  the  realization  of  the  golden  age.53* 

It  can  be  easily  explained,  why  the  Hebrews  should 
have  formed  the  exception  and  placed  the  Millennium 
in  a  future  time,  while  all  other  peoples  looked  back 
upon  it.  Not  a  warlike  nation,  nevertheless  they  are 
continually  involved  in  warfare  with  the  tribes,  dwell- 
ing on  the  borders  of  their  country.  If  we  except  the 
time  of  Joshua,  under  whose  leadership  Canaan  was 
subdued,  the  Hebrews  had  no  glorious  past  to  look  back 
to.  Then,  most  singularly,  the  Israelites  were  cursed 
with  bad  and  unprincipled  rulers,  who  by  their  misrule 

53aM.  Joseph:  The  Ideal  in  Judaism,  London,  1893,  pp. 
132  f. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        71 

fostered  all  manner  of  contention  and  strife  at  home 
and  abroad.  Yet,  as  JHVIFS  chosen  people  they  were 
conscious  of  a  certain  superiority,  and,  therefore,  confi- 
dently they  looked  forward  toward  the  realization  of 
their  hopes.  This  formed  one  of  the  favorite  themes 
of  the  Prophets,  as  it  gave  encouragement  to  the  people 
to  hope  for  better  days,  it  is  also  the  burden  of  many 
songs  in  post-exilic  days: 

"  And  I  will  re-establish  my  people  Israel,  and  they  shall 
build  the  waste  cities,  and  inhabit  them.  .  .  .  And  I  will 
plant  them  upon  their  land,  and  they  shall  no  more  be 
plucked  up  out  of  their  land.  .  .  .  "  " 

"And  in  the  latter  days  the  mountain  of  JHVH's  house 
will  be  established  as  the  highest  of  the  mountains,  and  will 
be  exalted  above  the  hills,  and  all  nations  will  stream  to  it, 
and  many  peoples  will  set  forth,  and  say: 

Come  let  us  go  up  to  the  mountain  of  JHVH, 

To  the  house  of  the  God  of  Jacob, 

That  He  may  instruct  us  out  of  His  precepts, 

And  that  we  may  walk  in  His  paths; 

For  from  Zion  goes  forth  instruction, 

And  the  word  of  JHVH  from  Jerusalem. 

Then  will  He  judge  between  the  nations, 

And  give  decision  to  many  peoples; 

And  they  will  beat  their  swords  into  mattocks, 

And  their  spears  into  pruning-knives ; 

Nation  will  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation, 

Neither  will  they  learn  war  any  more."     (P.  B.)85 
"And  all  nations  shall  call  you  happy;  for 

You  shall  be  a  delightful  land.     .     .     .     "  " 

"And  it  shall  be,  that  the  mountains  shall  drop  down 
sweet  wine,  and  the  hills  shall  flow  with  milk.  .  .  .  But 

"Amos  8:14,  15  (about  760  B.  C.). 

KIsa.  2:2-4  (post-exilic);  cf.  Micah  4:1-4. 

••Mai.  3:12  (458  B.  C.). 


72        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Judah  shall  be  inhabited  for  ever,  and  Jerusalem  from  gen- 
eration to  generation."  57 

"  Grant  Thou  Thyself  no  rest,  O  God, 
Be  not  silent,  and  be  not  quiet,  O  God! 
For  lo!  Thine  enemies  rage, 
And  high  do  Thy  haters  carry  their  heads. 
They  take  crafty  counsel  against  Thy  people, 
And  conspire  together  against  Thy  chosen  ones. 

Deal  with  them  as  with  the  Midianites, 

To  shame  and  to  horror  may  they  be  committed  forever! 
Let  pallor  spread  over  their  features,  and  may  they  perish! 
And  learn  that  Thou  alone  art  called  JHVH, 
The  Most  High  over  all  the  world."  B8 

Prophets  and  poets  are  thus  watching  and  waiting 
for  the  better  day,  which  they  also  suppose  that  people 
enjoyed  in  the  dim  past.  The  moral  lesson  they  draw 
is  the  degeneracy  of  their  own  time  as  compared  with 
the  olden  days.  It  is  this  feeling  of  imperfection  that 
kindles  within  them  the  spirit  of  righteous  indignation. 
The  prophets  rebuke  the  people  for  having  forgotten 
the  covenant  they  concluded  with  JHVH,  and  in  con- 
sequence of  it,  the  promise  originally  attached  to  it 
cannot  be  fulfilled.  "Return  to  JHVH,  live  up  to 
the  articles  of  the  agreement  you  made  with  JHVH  " 
and  the  era  of  universal  peace  and  happiness  will  be 
ushered  in. 

"Joel  3:18-21  (about  400  B.  C.). 

68  Ps.  83  (Maccabean  about  165  B.  C.);  compare  Micah. 
chpt.  4  and  7:8-12  (586-536  B.  C.);  Jer.  30:3  (after  586 
B.  C.);  Ez.  34:11-17;  37:21-28  (572  B.  C.);  Zech.  8:23 
(518  B.  C.);  Zeph.  3:14-20  (510  B.  C.);  Joel  3:1,  2;  3:18-21 
(400  B.  C.);  Zech.  9:10;  14:9  (280  B.  C.) ;  Psalms  18:2,3; 
29:11,  12;  62:7;  119:84-88  (all  post-exilic);  94. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        73 

The  story  of  the  Garden  of  Eden"  is  more  than 
likely  of  foreign  origin.  This  may  be  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  that  it  made  no  impression  upon  the 
thought-life  of  Biblical  times.  Furthermore,  there  is 
no  reference  to  Eden  in  any  of  the  pre-exilic  writings 
of  the  prophets.80  The  references  in  post-exilic  litera- 
ture are  uncertain.81  In  view  of  the  emphasis  given  to 
the  narrative  in  later  Theologies  the  reserve  in  the 
N"ew  Testament  is,  likewise,  significant.  Yet  the  reason 
is  patent.  The  prophets  in  ancient  Israel,  the  apostles 
md  the  apocalyptic  writers  vie  with  one  another  in  de- 
scribing the  glory  of  renewed  humanity  in  the  coming 
Kingdom  of  God.  Here,  there  is  no  place  for  tears 
Dver  the  remote  past,  the  dawn  of  the  great  day  of 
peace  and  righteousness  is  the  hope  and  prayer  of  the 
'lour. 

The  Optimism  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  was  due  not 
3nly  to  the  belief  that  God  is  the  Creator,  but  that  He 
ilso  controls  all  things  for  the  special  happiness  of  His 
chosen  people: 

"  For  thou  art  sacred  to  thy  God,  JHVH; 
The  Lord,  thy  God,  has  chosen  thee  to  be  a  peculiar  peo- 
ple unto  Himself,  out  of  all  peoples  that  are  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth."  « 

There  are  many  other  references  to  Israel  as  the 
2hosen  people,  and  to  JHVH  as  Israel's  special  Friend 

89 Vide,  Excursus:  "Eden." 

60  Joel  2 : 3,  often  quoted  to  show  that  the  garden  of  Eden 
s  mentioned  in  pre-exilic  literature,  but  Joel  is  post-exilic 
ibout  400  B.  C. 

81  Ez.  28:13;  31:16,  18;  36:35;  Isa.  51:3. 

62Deut.  7:6  (D);  comp.  Exod.  6:6-8  (P) ;  Isa.  65:19-25; 
Ds.  103  (late). 


74        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

and  Protector.88  The  joy  of  life,  an  instinctive  desire 
of  every  individual,  was  deepened  and  strengthened  by 
the  national  consciousness  that  Israel  is  God's  chosen 
people.64  It  was  due  to  this  optimistic  feeling  that  the 
solidarity  of  the  nation  remained  intact  for  so  mairy 
centuries.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  prophets  in  Israel, 
even  in  their  most  universalistic  visions,  never  lost  sight 
of  the  national  existence  of  Israel.  Prof.  Toy  correctly 
states,85  "that  religious  vigor  and  religious  pride  were 
the  resultant  of  the  intimate  relations  between  JHVH 
and  His  people.  On  the  one  hand,  it  brought  God  in 
close  touch  with  every  unit  of  the  nation,  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  contrast  between  the  righteous  Israel 
and  the  ungodly  heathens  generated  not  merely  a  deep- 
seated  particularism,  but  also  a  marked  sense  of  reli- 
gious superiority." 

Pfleiderer    makes    similar    observations;86    he    says: 

"  Among  the  Jews  the  national  Egoism  and  contempt 

for  the  Gentiles  were  even  harsher  than  the  disdain 

which  prevailed  among  the  Gentiles  for  the  Barbarians. 

because  the  national  consciousness  was  heightened  b} 

68  Cf.  Hosea  13:14  (740  B.  C.) ;  Isa.  5:7  (740  B.  C.) ;  Mical 
6:3-5  (650  B.  C.);  Jer.  1:19;  15:19-21  (628  B.  C.);  Ps.  9( 
(pre-exilic) ;  Jer.  50:11,  17-20;  51:50  (597  B.  C.) ;  Deut.  32: 
43;  33:29  (Dt);  I  Sam.  12:22  (Dt);  Ps.  95  (540  B.  C.) ;  Isa 
49:3-8;  52:9;  54:5-10;  61:6  (538  B.  C.);  Psalms  121,  12< 
(536  B.  C.);  Isa.  40:10,  11;  41:8-10,  17;  43:1-19;  44:1-5 
45:4;  48:17-21  (546-539  B.  C.);  Neh.  4:14;  9:9-16  (445  B 
C.);  Psalms  78;  18:50;  20:6-8;  23:1-6;  68:5,  16  (400  B.  C.) 
Joel  2:25-27  (400  B.  C.);  Psalms  149:4;  44:1-8  (very  late) 

64  Cf.  Pliimacher:   D.  Pessimismus,  p.  37. 

65  Judaism  and  Christianity,  p.  72. 

""Essence  of  Christianity"  in  New  World,  Sept.,  1892 
pp.  401  ff. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        75 

:hat  of  their  religious  peculiarity  and  superiority."' 
vVTienever  any  incongruity  appeared  between  reality 
md  the  belief,  that  they,  the  Israelites,  were  especially 
'avored  by  Providence,  refuge  was  taken  in  the  hope 
>f  the  establishment  of  a  D'DK>  niD}»  "  A  Kingdom  of 
Heaven,"  which  hope  plays  an  important  part  in  the 
ife  of  the  nation.  Not  only  did  Israel  deserve  divine 
:'avor  in  the  future,  if  not  now,  by  reason  of  its  superior 
•ighteousness  and  its  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  but 
jrod  Himself  was  pledged,  for  His  own  sake,  to  secure 
Csrael's  triumph  and  prosperity.  God's  honor  was  at 
stake  among  the  heathen  peoples,  therefore,  JHYH 
vould  be  magnified  in  the  glory  of  His  people: 
"  Be  triumphant,  O  heavens,  JHVH  has  finished  His  task. 

For  JHVH  has  redeemed  Jacob 
And  glorifies  Himself  in  Israel."  6T 

"  But  thou,  Israel,  my  servant,  Jacob  whom  I  have  chosen, 
Offspring  of  Abraham,  my  friend, 
Thou,  whom  I  fetched  from  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and 

called  from  its  remotest  parts, 
To  whom  I  said:  My  servant  art  thou,  I  have  chosen  and 

have  not  rejected  thee; 
Fear  not,  for  I  am  with  thee;  cast  no  look  of  terror,  for  I 

am  thy  God. 
I  strengthen  thee,  yea,  I  help  thee;  yea,  I  uphold  thee  with 

my  triumphant  right  hand. 
Behold,  all  who  were  enraged  at  thee  will  be  ashamed  and 

confounded, 
The  men  who  contended  with  thee  will  become  nought 

and  perish."  * 

"Isa.  44:23  (546  B.  C.);  comp.  ibid.,  41:21;  43:28b;  45: 
5,  7  (546  B.  C.) ;  also  Micah  7:20  (536  B.  C.) ;  Mai.  3:6  (458 
3.  C.);  Ps.  105:8  ff  (400  B.  C.). 

MIsa.  41:8-11  (546  B.  C.). 


76        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

During  the  Maccabean  struggle  (167-130  B.  C.)  Israel 
felt  that  its  heroic  stand  for  JHVH  and  its  attachment 
to  the  Law,  were  offered  up  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  cause 
of  JHVH,  who,  therefore,  is  entreated  to  work  speedy 
deliverance,  as  He  was  losing  in  the  estimation  of  the 
heathen.  If  sins  still  preclude  Israel's  redemption, 
then  let  JHVH  cancel  them  for  His  name's  sake.  Thus 
we  read  in  two  of  the  Maccabean  Psalms: 

"  Not  to  us,  O  JHVH,  not  to  us, 

But  to  Thy  Name,  give  glory, 

Because  of  Thy  goodness,  because  of  Thy  faithfulness. 

Why  should  the  heathen  say: 

Where  is  that  God  of  theirs?"69 
"  Nay,  for  thy  sake  are  we  continually  killed  off, 

We  are  treated  like  sheep  to  be  slaughtered. 

Arise!  why  dost  Thou  slumber,  O  Lord. 

Awake!  do  not  forever  discard  us." T0 

The  nations  hostile  to  Israel  were  regarded  as  being 
hostile  to  JHVH.  Thus  we  read  in  the  Mechilta: 

"  He  who  rises  up  against  Israel  rises  up  against  God ; 
hence  the  cause  of  Israel  is  the  cause  of  God,  their  ally  is 
His  too."  70a. 

That  the  prevailing  temper  of  the  Old  Testament  is 
optimistic  has  been  shown,  and  at  the  same  time,  that 
this  is  largely  the  result  of  the  faith  that  the  world,  in 

69  Ps.  115;  cf.  Fttrst:  D.  Heilige  Schrift,  note  on  Ps.  115 
where  144  B.  C.  is  the  date  given;   cf.  Wellhausen's  crit. 
notes  on  Psalms  in  P.  B.  in  loc.  (Engl.  transl.). 

70  44: 22,  23;  cf.  Wellhausen's  crit.  notes  on  Psalms  in  P.  B 
in- loc.  (Engl.  transl.),  where    Psalm  is  assigned  to  Macca 
bean  period;   Kautzsch,  Cornill,  Cheyne  and  Driver  favoi 
the  same  date. 

7°aCf.  Weiss:  Mechilta,  Wien,  1865,  p.  39;  Rashi  to  Talm 
Chulin,  20a. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        77 

eneral,  and  Israel,  in  particular,  are  under  the  imme- 
iate  Providence  of  JHVH.71  Yet  strains  of  pessimistic 
omplaints  are  not  wholly  absent  from  the  Old  Testa- 
icnt.  The  earliest  pessimistic  note  is  struck  in  those 
arts  of  the  Hexateuch  that  are  from  the  pen  of  the 
ahvist.™  After  long  experience  he  concludes  that  evil 
5  increased  by  man's  progress,  that  primitive  condi- 
ions  and  a  simple  civilization  are  favorable  for  the 
evelopment  of  the  moral  man.  Every  onward  move- 
aent,  or  rather  every  change,  he  deprecates  as  being 
a  opposition  to  the  Creator's  original  plan.78  To  show 
he  Pessimism  of  the  Jahvist,78*  I  need  only  refer  to 
he  second  account  of  creation.74  While  the  first  ac- 
ount  of  creation,  written  about  three  centuries  later, 
loses  with  God's  bestowal  of  blessing  upon  the  seventh 
ay,  "  God  blessed  the  seventh  day  and  hallowed  it, 
or  He  rested  on  the  seventh  day  from  all  His  work  He 
tad  made,"  ™  the  second  account  concludes  with  the 
xpulsion  of  Adam  and  Eve  from  the  Garden  of  Eden 
or  having  eaten  "  from  the  tree  of  knowledge  of  good 
nd  evil."  But  being  exiled  from  the  garden  was  not 
heir  only  punishment."*  The  ground  and  the  animal 
were  cursed;  trouble  and  sorrow,  henceforth, 


71  Cf.  Plumacher:  D.  Pessimismus,  p.  37. 

72  Rev.  C.  J.  Ball  in  his  crit.  notes  to  Gen.  in  Heb.  text  of 
*.  B.  places  J1  c.  850  B.  C.;  J2  c.  650  B.  C.;  cf.  also  Cornill 
3inl.  i.  d.  A.  T.  Freiburg  i.  B.,  1896,  pp.  42  ff;  Budde:  Die 
•iblische  Urgeschichte,  1883. 

73Gen.  4:16  ff  (  J1)  ;  ibid.,  11:1  ff  (J1). 

73*Cf.  Winckler:  Gesch.  Israels,  Lpzg.,  1895,  vol.  I,  pp. 
8-113. 

7*  Gen.  2  :  4b  to  3  :  24.  75  Gen.  2  :  3. 

75aCf.  Fritzsche:  "Schopenhauer  u.  d.  pess.  Ziige  in 
v.  T  "  in  Protest.  Kirchenzeitung,  1894,  No.  10,  p.  227. 


78        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

were  to  be  the  lot  of  man;  woman  is  to  bear  children 
with  pain.76  Later,  Cain  the  nomadic  shepherd  be- 
comes the  first  fratricide.  Cain  slays  Abel  who  tills 
the  soil,  an  occupation  that  binds  him  to  a  settled  habi- 
tation, and  is  the  second  step  in  civilization.  Then,  in 
the  time  of  Noah,  mankind  is  steeped  in  sin,  and  the 
deluge  is  sent  to  destroy  all  sentient  life.  Because  men 
desire  to  live  together  and  plan,  for  that  purpose,  the 
building  of  a  high  tower,  JHYH  is  displeased  and  pun- 
ishes them  in  such  a  manner  that  they  are  obliged  to 
scatter  and  live  separated  from  one  another. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  call  attention  to 
a  passage,  often  referred  to  as  an  indication  of  the 
pessimistic  tendency  of  Talmudical  Judaism;  the  pas- 
sage is  a  commentary  upon  the  first  account  of  creation 
in  Genesis.  In  Midrash  Eabboth  "  we  read  that  in  the 
scroll  of  the  Law  of  Eabbi  Meir,  who  lived  during  the 
second  Christian  century,  the  words  IKD  niDTtfni  "  be- 
hold, it  was  very  good  "  were  altered  to  read  aiB  rum 
m»  "behold,  it  was  good  to  die."  Further  on  we 
read  his  comment  on  1KD  ana  "  very  good  "  rtt»n  ipbn  nT 
"  this  means  the  angel  of  death."  7 

Another  striking  pessimistic  utterance  is  found  in 
the  Talmud  Jerushalmi  where  the  world  is  compared  to 
the  night.79 

78  The  pain  of  childbirth  was  proverbial  among  the  He- 
brews as  the  most  severe;  comp.  Micah  4:9ff;  Ez.  13:13; 
Isa.  13:8. 

77  To  Gen.,  chpt.  9. 

78  Cf.   Blumenthal:  Rabbi   Meir,   Frankfurt   a.   M.,   1888: 
Excursus  "  D.  Thoraexemplar;  "  see  also  n.  3  to  p.  24;  n.  2 
top.  18;  also  Delitzsch:  Gen.,  vol.  I,  p.  104. 

7»Chagigah  2:1:    rbty  nonp  run  D^ixa  wh  nWn  vb 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        79 

But  the  Jahvist  is  not  the  only  one  who  gives  voice 
pessimistic  sentiments.  The  prophets,  too,  have 
urs  of  despair  and  weariness.  The  more  they  ponder 
on  the  degeneracy  of  the  rulers  and  of  the  people, 
3  greater  the  moral  indignation  that  causes  dissatis- 
tion  with  the  present.  At  times,  they  become  con- 
ous  of  their  weakness  and  of  their  utter  powerless- 
;s  to  cope  with  evil  and  intrigue.  In  sheer  despair 
jah,  who  was  fleeing  from  Jezebel  and  had  found 
3lter  in  the  desert  of  Horeb,  entreats  God  to  take 
life.80  Jeremiah  curses  the  day  on  which  he  saw 
>  light  of  day.81  Similarly,  the  second  Isajah: 

lark!  a  voice  says:  Proclaim!  and  I  say: 
Vhat  shall  I  proclaim? 

Ul  flesh  is  grass,  and  all  the  strength  thereof  like  the 
flowers  of  the  field." 82 

But  it  is  only  for  the  moment  that  the  prophet  of 
!  exile  gives  way  to  his  feeling  of  impotence.  He 
;ains  his  strength  and  looks  more  confidently  into 
!  future,  even  the  glory  of  the  Babylonian  Empire 
1  not  last  forever  for  JHVH  is  a  God  of  justice  and 
loves  His  chosen  people.83  When  Jerusalem  is  deso- 
3,  the  people  in  exile,  and  the  national  existence 
shed,  the  voice  of  prophecy  speaks  out  more  confi- 
itly,  keeping  aglow  the  hope  of  repatriation  in  the 

I  K.  19:4b  (c.  850  B.  C.). 

20:14-18  (586  B.  C.) ;  ibid.,  22:10. 

40:6  (546  B.  C.);  comp.  ibid.,  2:22  (740  B.  C.);  in  LXX 
3  sentence  is  omitted. 

Aber  dieser  Optimism  us  (der  Propheten)  ist  nicht  flach, 
a  er  hat  den  Pessimismus  in  sich  aufgenommen  und  iiber- 
aden.  Fritzsche  i.  Prot.  Kirchenz.,  1894,  No.  11. 


80        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

hearts  of  the  exiles.  The  Pessimism  of  the  prophets  is 
overcome  by  the  faith  they  had  in  the  immortality  of 
the  Israelitic  nation.  Numerous  references  are  found 
in  the  Book  of  Job84  expressive  of  the  misery  and 
weariness  of  human  existence.8**  Job  curses  the  day  on 
which  he  was  born,85  the  summons  of  the  angel  of  death 
would  come  as  a  veritable  blessing  to  him.86  The 
powers  of  nature  and  the  wonders  of  creation  lead  him 
to  conclude  that  it  is  useless  for  man  to  oppose  the 
Creator.87  In  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  men 
he  sees  evil-doers  taking  a  leading  part  and  being  suc- 
cessful.88 Finally,  he  likens  the  life  of  man  to  that  oi 
the  slave.89 

The  psalms,  though  optimistic  in  thought  and  ten- 
dency, hold  many  pessimistic  sentiments.  The  nine- 
tieth Psalm  ascribed  to  Moses,  though  much  later,  yet 
possibly,  pre-exilic,  is  permeated  with  life-weariness 
Man  is  but  a  mote  creeping  on  the  dome  of  creatior 
compared  with  the  eternity  and  might  of  God.  Man'.' 
days  are  few,  soon  his  body  crumbles  into  dust,  in  spite 

84  521-485  B.  C. 

8%  Whenever  R.  Jochanan  had  finished  reading  Job,  h( 
used  to  say:  "  The  end  of  man  is  death,  the  end  of  the  ani 
mal  is  to  be  slaughtered "  (Talm.  Berachoth,  p.  17a) ;  cf 
also  Friedrich  Delitzsch  (Das  B.  Hiob.,  Lpzg.,  1902),  wh( 
speaks  of  poetical  part  as  "  Das  Gedicht  Job  oder  Da: 
Hohelied  d.  Pessimismus." 

85  Job  3:3-26.  88Job  6:8-11. 

87  Job  9:1-11;  ibid.,  14:1;  17:19,  21;  comp.  Ps.  139. 

88  Job  9:21,  22;  comp  ibid.,  10:20,  21;  14:6,  7. 

89 Job.  7:1,  2  (polemical  interpolation);  cf.  Siegfried'; 
critical  notes  on  Heb.  text  in  P.  B.,  ad  locum. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        81 

'  all  the  toil  and  moil;  life  spells  emptiness.90  The 
salmist,  finally,  closes  his  sombre  meditations  with  a 
•ayer: 

The  generation  of  men  is  ever  shifting; 

They  are  like  the  herb  which  springs  anew, 

Which  shoots  up  in  the  morning  and  thrives, 

And  in  the  evening  it  fades  and  withers; 

Under  Thy  displeasure  we  perish, 

Under  Thine  anger  are  we  benumbed. 

Thou  placest  our  sins  before  Thee, 

Our  secretest  act  in  the  light  of  Thy  face; 

Under  Thy  fury  all  our  days  vanish, 

We  bring  our  years  to  an  end  like  a  thought. 

Our  life  lasts  seventy  years, 

Or,  at  the  most,  eighty, 

And  its  unrest  is  toil  and  emptiness; 

For  it  passes  away  swiftly,  and  we  take  our  flight." 

Give  us  joy  for  as  long  as  Thou  hast  given  us  affliction, 
For   as    many  years    of   misfortune   as    we   have   lived 
through."    (P.  B.) 

Of  similar  character  is  the  thirty-ninth  Psalm;  here, 

),  the  Psalmist's  resignation  borders  closely  on  de- 

iir.91 

In  the  twenty-second  Psalm  the  Pessimism  that  re- 

is  from  excessive  sorrow  and  suffering  finds  voice  in 

3  following  plaint:  w 

vly  God,  my  God,  why  hast  Thou  forsaken  me? 

"ar  aloof  from  mine  invocation,  from  my  wailing  entreaty. 

}Cf.  Wellhausen:   Skizzen  u.  Vorarbeiten,  Berl.,  1899,  Pt. 

p.  181. 

Cf.  Wellhausen:  Critical  notes  on  Psalms  in  P.  B.  (Engl. 
nsl.)     (Ps.  39);    also,  Cheyne:   Job  and  Solomon,  1887, 
83  ff. 
;536  B.  C. 


82        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

By  day  do  1 92a  call,  O  my  God,  yet  Thou  dost  not  an- 
swer, 
And  by  night  do  I  find  me  no  rest."  * 

But  the  poet  leads  gradually  from  sorrow  to  trust  in 
JHVH,  which  feeling  ever  exerts  itself  among  the 
writers  of  the  Old  Testament: 

"  Yet,  Thou  art  He  who  delivered  me  out  of  the  lap  of  mj 
mother, 

On  Thy  charge  was  I  thrown  from  the  hour  of  my  birth, 
From  my  mother's  lap  onward,  Thou  art  my  God."9* 

In  the  eighty-eighth  Psalm  that  Fritzsche  ha; 
called 95  "  eine  schwermiithige  Nocturne  in  Moll " — th< 
pall  never  lifts.  The  sorrows  of  Sheol  and  the  anguisl 
and  terror  of  the  soul  furnish  the  material  for  th< 
poet's  muse.98 

The  conception  of  the  deterioration  of  the  world 
which  is  responsible  for  the  Pessimism  of  the  Jahvist  i 

92a  The  "  I "  in  the  Psalms  does  not  voice  the  sentimer 
of  the  individual,  but  that  of  the  nation;  cf.  Smend:  ZATY 
1888,  pp.  49-147;  Stekhoven:  ZAW,  1889,  pp.  131-135;  Staerl 
ZAW,  1892,  pp.  146-149;  W.  R.  Smith:  OTJC2,  1892,  p.  17t 
Cheyne:  Origin  of  Ps.,  1891,  pp.  258  ff;  Rahlfs:  W  and  V. 
in  d.  Psalmen,  1892,  p.  82;  Driver:  Introd.,  6th  ed.,  p 
389  f ;  Bar:  Individual  und  Gemeinde  psalmen,  Marbur 
1894;  Coblenz:  Uber  das  betende  Ich  in  d.  Psalmen,  Fran: 
furt,  1897;  H.  Roy:  Die  Volksgemeinde  und  die  Gemeim 
der  Frommen  im  Psalter,  Gnadau,  1897;  Leimdorfer:  DJ 
Psalter-Ego  in  den  Ich  Psalmen,  Hamburg,  1898. 

83  22: 1,2.  9422:9, 10. 

95 "  Schopenhauer    und    die    pess.    Ziige.    im.    AT" 
Protest.  Kirchenzeitung,  1894,  No.  13,  p.  292;  Ps.  88  (abo 
536  B.  C.). 

M  Pessimistic  passages  in  Psalms:    51:5   (545  B.  C.) ;   8 
47,  48;  103:15,  16;  144:3,  4  (167  B.  C.);  102:11  (167  B.  C 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        83 

^ie  early  chapters  of  Genesis/7  inspired  Hesiod's  de- 
'ription  of  the  ages  ever  becoming  worse,98  and  also 
nds  an  echo  in  the  Book  of  Daniel."  The  author  of 
'aniel,  too,  discerns  a  gradual  deterioration  of  the 
orld — the  first  kingdom  is  of  gold;  the  second  of 
Iver;  the  third  of  brass;  the  fourth  an  incoherent 
)mbination  of  iron  and  clay.100  The  difference  be- 
7een  the  views  of  Hesiod  and  Daniel  is  a  striking  one, 
le  to  the  one  being  a  Greek  and  the  other  a  Jew. 
rhile  Hesiod  is  a  confirmed  Pessimist,  seeing  nothing 
it  darkness  and  oblivion  ahead  of  him,  Daniel  dreams 
God's  Kingdom,  which  will  rise  after  the  destruction 
l.  the  fourth  kingdom.  Daniel  discerns  in  all  the 
langes  the  workings  of  Providence;  here,  too,  he  sur- 
isses  Ecclesiastes,101  who  sees  in  the  world  around  him 
never-ceasing,  aimless  flux: 
What  profit  has  man  of  all  his  toil  wherewith  he  wearies 

himself  under  the  sun? 
One  generation  passes  away  and  another  comes;  the  earth 

alone  abides  forever. 
The  sun  rises  and  the  sun  goes  down  and  panting  hastens 

back  to  his  place  where  he  rose. 
The  wind  sweeps  toward  the  south  and  veers  round  to  the 

north,  whirling  about  everlastingly:   and  back  to 

his  circuits  returns  the  wind. 
A.11  rivers  flow  into  the  sea;  yet  the  sea  is  not  full,  whence 

the  rivers  take  their  source,  thither  they  return 

again. 


7  Gen.  2:4b,  8,  9,  16,  17,  18,  19,  20,  22-25;  3:1-19,  21;  6:3; 
23;  4:1,  2b,  16b,  17,  18-21,  22,  23-24;  6:1,  2,  4;  10:9;  11: 
;  9:20,  21,  22,  23-25,  26,  27. 

s  Hesiod  lived  about  800  B.  C.     "  Five  Ages  of  the  World 
the  Work  and  Days,"  London,  1856;   compare  Charles: 
ctrines  of  a  Future  Life,  London,  1899,  p.  140. 
'(164  B.  C.)  1002:31-46.  101(37-4  B.  C.) 


84        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  all  is  in  a  never-ceasing  whirl, 

No  man  can  utter  it  in  words; 

Rest  is  not  vouchsafed  to  the  eye  from  seeing, 

Nor  unto  the  ear  from  hearing.102 

The  thing  that  has  been  is  the  same  that  shall  be,  and 

what  befell  is  the  same  that  shall  come  to  pass,  and 

there  is  no  new  thing  under  the  sun. 
If  naught  there  be  whereof  one  would  say,  'Lo,  this  is 

new!  ' — it  was  erstwhile  in  the  eternities  that  were 

before  us. 
There  is  no  memory  of  those  that  were;   neither  shall 

there  be  any  remembrance   of  them  that  are  tc 

come,   among  their  posterity."103 

That  a  life  without  any  aim  and  purpose  should  lead 
Ecclesiastes  to  exalt  death  and  praise  it  as  preferabh 
to  life  is  but  natural:  "Wherefore  I  praised  the  deac 
that  have  been  long  dead  more  than  the  living  that  arc 
yet  alive  "(4:2).  A  similar  thought  is  voiced  in  (7b) 
"The  day  of  death  (is  better)  than  the  day  of  one'; 
birth."  The  school  of  Shammai,  which  objected  t< 
having  Ecclesiastes  placed  in  the  Canon,  based  its  ob 
jection  upon  some  passages  in  Ecclesiastes,  which,  ap 
parently,  were  not  only  at  variance  with  the  teaching 
of  Scriptures,  but  also  seemed  to  contradict  one  ar 
other.  Thus,  in  4:  2  the  dead  are  praised  more  tha~ 
the  living,  while  in  9:4  the  opposite  view  is  espoused 
"  Verily  a  living  dog  is  better  than  a  dead  lion."  Pro: 
Haupt  has  pointed  out  that  9:4  is  an  interpolatioi 
therefore  Ecclesiastes  did  not  contradict  himself.10** 

102  Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesb.  ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  295. 

103  Cf.   Dillon:  The  Skeptics  of  the  O.   T.,  London,  181 
(The  Speaker),  p.  241. 

103aCf.  Haupt:  "The  Bk.  of  Eccl."  in  Oriental  Studies, 
264,  n.  4;   also  Hitzig:  Der  Prediger  Salome's   (Nowack 
2d  ed.,  Lpzg.,  1883,  p.  279. 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        85 

Daniel  typifies  the  firm  believer  in  the  development 
:>f  the  world  to  an  ever  higher  state  of  ethics;  Ecclesi- 
istes  typifies  the  despairing  Pessimist  who  denies  prog- 
•ess  and  regards  the  present  as  merely  an  echo  of  the 
3ast.108b  The  experiences  of  life  that  in  Job  lead  to  a 
Droblem,104  in  Ecclesiastes  are  crystallized  into  a  pessi- 
nistic  view  of  existence.  Thus,  not  only  the  incongru- 
ty  between  happiness  and  merit,  but  life  itself  needs 
ustification:  "  Then  I  praised  the  dead  who  died 
ong  since,  as  happier  than  the  quick  who  are  yet  alive, 
rut  luckier  than  both,  him  who  is  still  unborn,  who  has 
lot  yet  witnessed  the  evil  doings  under  the  sun."' 
Ecclesiastes  sees  the  world  as  cold  and  hard.  The  op- 
imistic  creed,  common  to  the  Old  Testament,  that  in 
he  end  everything  will  be  for  the  best,  which  is  the 
latural  creed  of  man,  is  not  found  in  Ecclesiastes.  We 
niss  a  moral  vivifying  ideal,  nothing  brightens  up  the 
lark  and  cheerless  horizon.  His  religion  has  little  of 
Tewish  distinctiveness.  The  election  of  Israel,  the 
anctuary,  and  JHVH'S  name,  are  not  referred  to, 
lor  does  he  touch  upon  Israel's  future.  He  looks  out 
ipon  the  world,  through  spectacles  darkened  by  pre- 
udice.  He  draws  conclusions  from  his  subjective  ex- 
jerience. 

The  narrowness  of  such  procedure  must,  naturally, 
ead  him  to  make  observations  that  are  one-sided  and 
wholly  inadequate  for  a  philosophy  of  life.108  What 

108b(l:9)  "The  thing  that  has  been  is  the  same  that 
hall  be  ...  and  there  is  no  new  thing  under  the 
un;  "  cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesb.  ed.,  vol.  II,  pp.  214  ff. 

104Chpt.  21.  1084:2,  3. 

106  Cf.  Kb'stlin:  Theol.  Studien  aus  Wiirtemberg,  1882, 
>p.  132  ff. 


86        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

seems  to  be  the  chief  cause  for  the  Pessimism  of  Eccle- 
siastes  is  the  absence  of  Providence,  or  rather,  the 
denial  of  it  in  the  sense  of  an  ethical  government. 

"All  things  have  I  witnessed  in  my  vain  days;  there  are 
just  men  who  perish  through  their  righteousness,  and  there 
are  wicked  men  who  prolong  their  lives  by  means  of  their 
iniquity." 107 

"  Again  I  saw  under  the  sun  that  the  race  is  not  to  the 
swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong,  nor  bread  to  the  wise, 
nor  riches  to  men  of  understanding,  nor  favor  to  men  of 
skill;  but  time  and  chance  overtake  them  all."  108 

"There  is  a  vanity  which  is  done  upon  the  earth:  to 
righteous  men  that  happens  which  should  befall  wrong- 
doers; and  that  betides  criminals  which  should  fall  to  the 
lot  of  the  upright."  108 

"  For  that  which  befalleth  men  befalleth  beasts,  and  the 
same  befalls  them  all;  as  these  die  even  so  die  those,  and 
the  selfsame  breath  have  they  all,  nor  is  there  any  pre-emi- 
nence of  man  above  beast;  for  all  is  nothingness."110 

"What  profit  has  man  from  all  the  toil  he  does  under 
the  sun."  m 

God,  in  the  opinion  of  Ecclesiastes,  takes  no  active 
and  sympathetic  interest  in  human  concerns,  for  He 
is  too  far  removed  from  things  terrestrial.  Good  and 
wicked  men  alike  are  left  uncared  for.  There  is  no 
reward  for  which  the  righteous  may  hope;  no  punish- 
ment the  bad  need  fear.  While  in  the  other  Biblical 
Books  the  suffering  of  the  godless  is  punishment  for 
their  sins,112  and  the  woes  of  the  pious  a  test  and  trial 
of  their  faith,118  in  Ecclesiastes,  suffering  has  no  con- 
nection at  all  with  God's  wrath  or  love;  it  is  simply 

107  7:15.  1089:11.  1098:14. 

110  3: 19.  ml:3. 

112  Ps.  38:2;  Job  8:8-19.  mPs.  44  (167  B.  C.). 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        87 

the  inevitable  and  unavoidable  outcome  of  the  misery 
of  life. 

And  yet,  Ecclesiastes  is  not  a  Pessimist,,  in  the  mod- 
ern acceptation  of  that  term.  Unlike  the  modern  Pes- 
simist, he  nowhere  makes  assertion  that  this  is  the 
worst  of  all  possible  worlds.114  NOT  do  we  detect  in 
Ecclesiastes  the  plaint  of  modern  Pessimism  that  the 
world  is  speedily  going  to  ruin  and  to  destruction,  or  a 
denial  of  the  world  (Weltverneinung).115  Ecclesiastes 
preaches  the  Gospel  of  work.  If  there  be  no  absolute 
good,  Ecclesiastes  suggests  that  one  should  seek  satis- 
faction in  relative  good,  i.  e.  in  work. 
"  Whatever  thy  hand  finds  to  do,  do  it  with  might.  ..."  U9 

The  hopeless  Pessimism  of  the  modern  school  evinces 
itself  in  its  estimate  of  work.  "  Work  is  an  evil/'  says 
Hartmann,  "no  matter  how  beneficial  its  results  may 
prove  to  be  to  the  worker,  to  mankind  and  to  human 
progress." a 

Ecclesiastes  has  no  system  of  philosophy.  His  are 
the  musings  of  one  who  met  many  disappointments, 
and  who,  having  no  faith  in  Providence,  expects  no 
improvement  in  his  future  condition.  Cheerless  is 
the  view  he  holds  of  the  future  life  and  the  state  of 

114  Cf.  Schopenhauer,  vol.  II,  p.  687. 

115  Cf.  Bickell:  Der  Prediger  iiber  den  Wert  des  Daseins, 
1884,  p.  35. 

116  9: 10:     nK>_V  •Jiq'S?  JWl^  ?|T  KVpn  "IB*?  !>3 

117 Cf.  Hartmann:  Phil,  des  Unbewussten:  "Die  Arbeit  ist 
fiir  den,  der  arbeiten  muss  ein  tfbel,  mag  sie  auch  in  ihren 
Folgen  fiir  ihn  selbst,  wie  fiir  die  Menschheit  und  den 
Fortschritt  in  ihrer  Entwickelung  noch  so  segensreich  sein." 
Comp.  Schweinburg:  Jiidische  Pessimisten,  Wien,  1885,  p.  39. 


88        VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  dead.118     Indeed,  he  could  not  have  written  the 
book,  had  he  believed  in  a  personal  immortality:  "' 

"Who  can  tell  whether  the  spirit  of  the  sons  of  men 
ascends  upwards,  and  the  spirit  of  the  beasts  descends  down- 
wards? "  "° 

The  Massorites  intended  by  their  vocalization  to  give 
that  turn  to  the  passage  which  would  rid  it  of  scepti- 
cism. The  n  in  DiKn  and  in  niyn  they  punctuated  not 
as  the  article,  but  as  an  interrogative  particle.121  It  may 
be  interesting  to  note  that  the  passage  in  Ecclesiastes: 

"  The  dust  shall  return  to  the  earth  (to  become)  what  it 
was,  but  the  spirit  will  return  to  God  who  gave  it"  (12:7), 
is  a  theological  gloss.122 

In  spite  of  all  this  despair  on  the  part  of  Ecclesiastes, 
he  is  not  led  to  a  denial  of  God's  existence,  as  Schopen- 
hauer, Hartmann,  and  Omar  Khayyam.122a  Nor  does  he 
accept  the  Pantheistic  alternative  that  denies  to  God 

118  Cf.  Wright:  Ecclesiastes,  London,  1883,  p.  191. 

119  Cf.  Luzzatto  in    ID!"!}   "isu      III,  p.  17;  also  Krochmal 
in     IDTn    Oil:    mi»    (Lemberg,  1863,  p.  121),  who  claim 
that  Koheleth  denies  immortality;  cf.  also  Geiger:  Das  Ju- 
denthum  und  seine  Geschichte   (Breslau,  1864,  p.  92),  and 
Gass:  Optimismus  und  Pessimismus,  Berlin,  1876,  p.  12. 

120  Cf.   Haupt:    "The  Book  of  Ecclesiastes,"   in   Oriental 
Studies,  p.  248. 


121  Similarly   in   Sept.   Targ.   Peshito.   Vulg.;    cf.   Geiger: 
Urschrift,  Breslau,  1857,  p.  175;  also  Hitzig:   Der  Prediger 
Salome's,  Lpzg.,  1883,  p.  234. 

122  Cf.  Haupt:  "The  Bk.  of  Eccl.,"  in  Oriental  Studies,  p. 
263. 

122*Cf.  E.  Fitzgerald:  Rubaiyat  of  Omar  Khayyam,  4th  ed., 
N.  Y.,  1900  (XVI,  XXIV,  XXV,  XLVIII,  LXIII,  LXXIV). 


VIEW  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        89 

freedom  of  will  and  makes  Him  act  from  necessity."8 
He  believes  in  God,  as  the  Creator,  and  does  not  at- 
tempt to  improve  the  Deity  out  of  existence.  He  sees 
God  in  the  law  and  order  that  permeates  the  Uni- 

124 

verse. 

128  Cf.  White:  Spinoza's  Ethics,  N.  Y.,  1883,  p.  32;  also 
Elwes:  The  Chief  Works  of  Benedict  de  Spinoza,  London, 
1891,  vol.  II,  p.  70. 

124  Pessimistic  passages  in  Ecclesiastes:  1:2-11,  14,  17,  18; 
2:11,  15-17,  22,  23;  3:9,  18-21;  4:3,  4;  5:14,  15,  20  (to  14 
comp.  Job  21  and  Ecclus.  40:1);  6:3-9,  11,  12;  7:lb,  2;  8:14; 
9:2-6;  10:14;  11:8. 


CHAPTER  V 
REWARD  AND  PUNISHMENT  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  Mosaic  Code  is  peculiarly  practical  in  charac- 
ter, contemplating  the  weal  of  the  commonwealth  and 
the  welfare  of  its  citizens.  The  transgression  of  divine 
ordinances,  embodied  in  the  code,  is  to  he  followed  hy 
earthly  misfortune  and  physical  sufferings;  *  while  obe- 
dience  is  rewarded  with  happiness  in  this  life.  In  the 
one  case  one  must  expect  disease,  death,  swarms  of  lo- 
custs, barrenness  of  soil,  and,  ultimately,  exile;  in  the 
other,  rich  harvests,  plentitude,  tranquillity,  longevity, 
and  a  numerous  progeny.  Post-mortal  gratifications, 
as  a  reward  for  righteousness  and  piety,  are  not  prom- 
ised. As  the  mental  and  moral  horizons  became  more 
expanded,  the.  teachings,  touching  upon  reward  and 
punishment,  became  the  source  of  much  anxiety  and 
doubt,  and,  here,  we  must  look  for  the  germinal  seed 
of  Pessimism.  So  long  as  the  patriarchal  and  na- 
tional solidarity  remained  unassailed,  people  never 
questioned  the  old  teachings  concerning  reward  and 
punishment.  But,  later,  when  the  solidarity  of  the 
nation  was  seriously  threatened,  by  a  long  succession 
of  misfortunes,  reward  and  punishment  became  a  ser- 
ious problem. 

The  solidarity  of  the  nation,  of  such  great  moment 

^'Leiden  sind  eine  Folge  der  Siinde;  "  cf.  Goitein:  Der 
Optimismus  u.  Pessimismus,  Berl.,  1890,  p.  1. 


92  KEWAED  AND  PUNISHMENT 

for  the  political  and  religious  life  of  the  ancient  He- 
brews, stands  in  close  relation  to  the  doctrine  of  reward 
and  punishment.  Whether  in  religious  or  secular  af- 
fairs, the  habit  of  the  old  world  was  to  think  much  of 
the  community  and  little  of  the  individual.  First  of 
all  it  is  to  be  noted,  says  Robertson  Smith : a  "  that 
the  frame  of  mind  in  which  men  are  well  pleased  with 
themselves,  with  their  gods,  and  with  the  world,  could 
not  have  dominated  antique  religion,  as  it  did,  unless 
religion  had  been  essentially  the  affair  of  the  commun- 
ity rather  than  that  of  the  individual.  It  was  not  the 
business  of  the  gods  of  heathenism  to  watch  by  a  series 
of  special  providences  over  the  welfare  of  every  indi- 
vidual. The  benefits  which  were  expected  from  the 
gods  were  of  a  public  character,  affecting  the  whole 
community.  Fruitful  season,  increase  of  flock,  and  suc- 
cess in  war,  all  so  essential  to  ancient  life,  were,  wholly, 
the  business  of  the  community. 

Their  ideal  of  life  was  based  upon  the  social  idea: 8 
first  the  home  with  its  patriarchal  regime,  and  later  the 
home  broadening  out  into  the  wider  community  of  the 
Theocracy.  The  Hebrew  idea  of  the  relation  of  the 
individual  to  the  community  came  near  the  Hellenic 
idea  of  the  relation  of  the  citizen  to  the  State." 

The  relation  of  God  to  each  human  soul  is  far  less 
marked  in  the  writings  of  the  prophets  than  in  the 
so-called  Khokma  literature  and  in  the  Psalms.  While 
in  the  New  Testament  the  community  gradually  re- 

2  Rel.  of  the  Semites,  1894,  p.  258. 

8  Of.  Causse:  Les  Socialisme  des  Prophetes,  Moritauban, 
1900,  pp.  8  ff. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  93 

cedes  behind  the  individual,  in  the  Old  Testament  the 
individual  is  lost  in  the  community.  It  is  the  nation 
that  is  of  paramount  significance,  not  the  single  units. 
For  Israel's  continuance  as  a  Theocracy  it  is  requisite 
that  there  should  be  a  continuity  of  self-identity  from 
age  to  age.  There  is,  indeed,  something  sublime  in 
that  complete  effacement  of  personal  interests,  often- 
times of  ambitions,  in  those  of  the  community.  The 
solidarity  of  the  nation  is  so  real  that  it  carries  with 
it  the  consequences  that  are  most  important  for  they 
suggest  many  a  moral  problem. 

In  keeping  with  the  traditional  solidarity  of  the 
family,  of  the  tribe,  and  of  the  nation,  there  was  a 
universally  accepted  theory  of  joint  and  several  respon- 
sibility for  sin.  Thus  retributive  judgment  might  fall 
upon  the  subject  for  the  sin  of  the  king;  on  the  son 
for  the  sin  of  the  father;  on  the  whole  nation  for  the 
sin  of  a  single  individual.  Furthermore,  upon  the 
assumed  solidarity  of  the  family,  the  city,  and  the 
nation,  the  Deity  is  supposed  to  act  frequently  in  the 
earliest  periods;  for  each  family,  clan  and  people  had 
its  own  god  or  gods,  who  cared  for  the  individual  only 
as  a  member  of  the  broader  social  organization.  The 
Priestly-Code  recognizes  the  solidarity  of  the  nation 
by  the  institution  of  the  sin-offering  brought  by  the 
High-Priest,  as  the  representative  of  the  whole  people, 
on  Yom-Kippur,  the  Day  of  Atonement.4 

In  the  story  of  Sodom,  ten  good  men  would  have 
sufficed  to  secure  forgiveness  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 

4 Lev.,  chpt.  16  (H);  comp.  Neh.  10:34. 


94  REWAKD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

t 

doomed  twin-cities.5  For  the  sins  of  King  Manasseh 6 
captivity  is  predicted  for  the  whole  people.7  Later  this 
conception  was  extended  so  as  to  include  the  dead. 
The  dead  were  believed  to  exercise  an  influence  upon 
those  they  left  behind.  The  living  were  to  be  the 
recipients  of  the  rewards  and  punishments  of  the  dead. 
Schechter  states8  that  the  most  important  passage  in 
Kabbinical  literature  relating  to  the  solution  of  the 
problem,  how  to  reconcile  the  lot  with  the  life  of  man, 
is  the  following:  With  reference  to  Exodus  33: 13 
Eabbi  Jochanan  ben  Saccai  said,  that  among  other 

5  Gen.  18:16-33   (J). 

6  Manasseh   followed   Hezekiah   and   ruled   from   694-639. 
His  reign  marks  a  time  of  reaction  from  the  beneficent  rule 
of  his  predecessor.     Jerusalem  became  the  hospitable  cen- 
tre of  the  gods  of  Syria.     His  own  son  passed  through  the 
fire  of  Moloch  (II  K.  21:1-9). 

7Cf.  Joshua  7:11  (E) ;  also  ibid.,  22:20  (P),  where  Achan 
takes  forbidden  spoil  and  the  people  are  punished;  also  II 
Sam.  21:1,  9,  where  the  plague  is  due  to  Saul's  cruelty 
against  the  Gibeonites,  and  the  execution  of  Saul's  sons 
stays  the  plague;  also  II  Sam.  12:16-19,  where  David  sins 
and  his  child  dies  for  his  sin;  also  II  K.,  chpt.  16,  where 
Ahaz  (739-723  B.  C.)  introduces  the  Moloch-worship,  later 
he  repents  and  the  punishment  is  postponed  for  his  sons; 
compare  Isa.  39:7;  also  II  Chron.  28:19.  Such  was  the  in- 
exorable law  of  JHVH  as  found  in  the  Decalogue :  "  For  I 
JHVH,  your  God,  am  a  zealous  God,  visiting  the  iniquity  of 
the  fathers  upon  the  children  ..."  (Exod.  20:6  E). 
Similarly  we  read  in  Aboth  (Mishnah  V:  12-15),  "  Pestilence 
comes  into  the  world  for  the  capital  crimes  mentioned  in 
the  Torah  .  .  .  the  sword  comes  upon  the  world  for  the 
suppression  of  judgment  .  .  .  Captivity  comes  for 
strange  worship,  incest,  shedding  of  blood."  Cf.  also  Toy's 
crit.  notes  on  Ezekiel  in  P.  B.  (Engl.  transl.),  p.  122,  n.  14. 

8  Studies  in  Judaism,  Phila.,  1896,  p.  218. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 


UNIVERSITY 


hings,  Moses  also  asked  God  to  explain  to  him  the 
nethod  of  His  Providence,  a  request  that  was  granted 
dm.  He  asked  God,  "Why  are  there  righteous  peo- 
>le  who  are  prosperous,  and  righteous  people  who  suf- 
er;  wicked  who  are  prosperous,  and  wicked  who  suf- 
'er?  "  The  answer  given  to  Moses  was,  that  the  pros- 
)erity  of  the  wicked,  and  the  suffering  of  the  righteous 
ire  a  result  of  the  conduct  of  their  ancestors,  the  for- 
ner  being  the  descendants  of  righteous  parents  and 
3n  joying  their  merits,  whilst  the  latter  coming  from 
i  bad  stock  suffer  for  the  sins  of  those  to  whom  they 
)we  their  existence.9 

In  the  course  of  time  the  elementary  notions  of  jus- 
tice seemed  to  cause  a  conflict  with  the  old  ideas  con- 
cerning reward  and  punishment.  For  the  nation  was 
growing  weary  and  saddened  under  most  cruel  oppres- 
sion. The  weight  of  the  father's  sins  became  an  un- 
endurable burden:  While  the  author  of  Lamentations 
(570  B.  C.)  patiently  enough  says: 

"  Our  fathers  sinned,  and  are  not; 
And  we  have  borne  their  iniquities."  10 

The  author  of  the  Maccabean  psalm  (169  B.  C.)  boldly 
exclaims: 

"  Remember  not  against  us  the  sins  of  our  forefathers, 

May  Thy  compassion  soon  come  to  meet  us, 

For  deep  is  our  misery."  u 

Individualism  was  groping  its  way,  awakening  even 
in  its  denial.  The  prophets  of  the  eighth  century  do 
not,  as  yet,  raise  the  question  of  individualism.  Col- 

'Talm.  Berachoth,  7a.  The  opposite  is  found  in  Talm. 
Sanhedrin,  104a,  "  The  father  is  rewarded  for  his  son,  but 
not  the  son  for  the  father." 

10  5:7.  "79:8. 


96  EEWAKD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

lective  punishment  and  collective  guilt  still  loom  large 
on  their  mental  and  moral  horizon.  Yet,  even  Amos  " 
draws  a  distinction  between  the  rich  cruel  oppressors 
and  the  suffering  poor,  though  he  does  not  indicate  in 
how  far  the  latter  would  escape  the  catastrophe  he  saw 
approaching.  Ezekiel18  is  the  first  of  the  prophets 
who  probes  deeper  and  clearly  discusses  the  religious 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  social  solidarity.  Prof.  Toy 
correctly  states "  that  Ezekiel  lays  down  the  rule  of 
absolute  individual  responsibility.  The  announcements 
of  the  principle  (in  Deut.  24: 16,  Jeremiah  and  Eze- 
kiel) marks  an  epoch  in  Israelitish  ethical  develop- 
ment. Similarly,  Wellhausen : 15  "  Ezekiel  promises  the 
resurrection  of  the  people.  In  the  midst  of  these 
oracles  a  section  is  to  be  found  from  which  we  can  see 
that  Ezekiel  conceived  his  task  of  encouraging  the 
exiles  in  still  another  and  quite  different  manner.  The 
people  were  dead,  and  could  only  be  awakened  to  life 
by  a  miracle  from  JHVH.  But  individuals  still  lived/' 
In  a  very  characteristic  way  Ezekiel  now  applies  indi- 
vidualism as  a  principle  of  comfort.  "  His  father,  be- 
cause he  practiced  oppression  and  committed  pillage 
and  did  what  was  not  good  among  his  people,  behold, 
he  died  for  his  iniquity.  But  ye  say:  Why  should 
the  son  not  bear  the  consequences  of  his  father's  ini- 
quity? If  the  son  execute  justice  and  righteousness, 
keep  all  my  statutes  and  do  them,  he  shall  live.  The 
person  who  sins — he  shall  die.  A  son  shall  not  bear 

"Amos  (760  B.  C.);  cf.  chpt.  6:1-9. 

13  (590  B.  C.) 

14  Cf.  Toy's  critical  notes  on  Ez.  (Engl.  transl.)  in  P.  B., 
p.  130,  note  2. 

18 "  Babylonian  Exile  "  in  New  World,  Dec.,  1893,  p.  605. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  97 

the  consequences  of  his  father's  iniquity,  and  a  father 
shall  not  bear  the  consequences  of  his  son's  iniquity: 
The  righteousness  of  the  righteous  shall  be  put  down 
to  his  own  account,  and  the  wickedness  of  the  wicked 
to  his  own  account/' '  I  hold  with  Schechter  1T  that 
the  individualizing  of  the  doctrine  of  divine  retribu- 
tion was  first  seriously  attempted  in  the  exile  by  Eze- 
kiel.  Whether  there  are  traces  of  this  doctrine  in  pre- 
exilic  literature  is  a  disputed  question.  Stade's  asser- 
tion that  there  are  none,  is  too  extreme.  The  passages 
in  Jeremiah  12:  1,  2;  17:  5-10;  32:  18, 19  Kuenen  con- 
siders as  genuine;  Stade  as  secondary.  Cornill  in  his 
Hebrew  text  of  Jeremiah  in  the  Polychrome  Bible, 
considers  only  the  first  two  passages  as  genuine.  Con- 
cerning Isaiah  33: 15,  Kuenen  and  Stade  also  disagree: 
Cheyne 18  does  not  consider  the  passage  genuine.  Traces 
of  individualism  are  found,  here  and  there,  outside  of 
the  Prophetic  Books.  There  is  David's  exclamation: 
"  These  sheep  what  have  they  done."  '  Then  there  is 
the  Deuteronomic  law:  "Every  man  shall  be  put  to 
death  for  his  own  sins." '  In  the  story  of  Achan n 

36 18:18-20;  comp.  ibid.,  33:12  ff;  II  K.  14:6a  Dt;  ct. 
Smend:  Religionsgesch.,  Freiburg,  1893,  pp.  312  ff,  where  it 
is  stated  that  Ezekiel  here  supplements  the  teaching  of  the 
prophets  that  sin  is  caused  by  man's  free  will;  also  Well- 
hausen:  Skizzen,  etc.,  second  ed.,  Berl.,  1884,  Heft  I,  p.  91; 
Montefiore:  The  Hibbert  Lectures,  1892,  pp.  251-253;  Goi- 
tein:  Das  Problem  der  Theodicee,  Berl.,  1890,  pp.  1  ff. 

17  J.  Q.  R.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  60. 

18  Cf.  Cheyne's  Heb.  text  of  Isaiah  in  P.  B.,  p.  21. 

19 II  Sam.  24:17,  560  B.  C.;  cf.  Driver:  Notes  on  the  He- 
brew text  of  the  Books  of  Samuel,  Oxford,  1890,  p.  289  ad 
locum;  cf.  also  Budde's  ed. 

^Deut.  24:16  (D);  cf.  Deut.  7:10  (D);  II  K.  14:6   (Dt). 

21  Josh.  7:11  (JE). 
7 


98  EEWAKD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

one  man  sins  and  the  wrath  of  God  is  heavy  upon  the 
whole  community;  later2"  Moses  and  Aaron  enter 
strong  protest  against  this  very  principle:  "And  they 
fell  upon  their  faces,  and  said,  0  God,  the  God  of  the 
spirits  of  all  flesh,  shall  one  man  sin,  and  wilt  thou 
be  wroth  with  all  the  congregation  ?  " 

It  is  in  the  Wisdom-literature 22a  that  the  problem  is 
fully  stated.  The  individual  takes  the  place  of  the 
nation,  it  is  his  lot  that  presses  hard  for  some  solution. 
The  individual  no  longer  found  comfort  and  solace  in 
the  promises  JHVH  had  made  to  the  Israelitic  nation, 
for  they  had  not  been  fulfilled.  He,  the  individual, 
was  primarily  interested  in  his  own  well  being.  Wen- 
ley  thus  pertinently  states :  ^  "  When  the  idea  of  jus- 
tice acquired  prominence,  its  essential  incompatibility 
with  simple  Eudaemonism  came  home  not  to  Israel, 
but  to  some  Israelites."  True,  the  ideal  of  God,  bound 
to  reward  and  to  punish,  was  never  wholly  passed  in  the 
Old  Testament  literature.  But  the  peculiar  needs  of 
the  individual  imperatively  called  for  a  God,  who  was 
able  to  save,  not  only  the  nation,  but  the  individual 
also.  In  Job 24  these  pessimistic  doubts  were  overcome 

22  Num.  16:22   (P). 

22»  nDDn  ^"ISD  This  literature  is  characterized  by  an  intelli- 
gent and  moral  universality. 

23  Aspects  of  Pess.,  Edinb.,  1894,  p.  10. 

-*  The  Sages  of  the  Talmud  seem  as  much  at  sea  about  the 
date  of  Job  as  modern  scholars,  placing  it  in  almost  every 
age  from  that  of  Moses  to  the  Persian  period  (B.  Bathra, 
14b) ;  Michaelis  and  Reggio  favor  the  time  of  Moses;  De- 
litzsch  (evangel.  R.  Encycl.),  the  time  of  Solomon;  Ham- 
burger (R.  Encycl.)  and  Noldeke,  the  time  of  Hezekiah; 
Bickell  (Wiener  Ztschf.  f.  d.  Morgenland,  1892,  pp.  137  ff; 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  99 

r  the  native  Optimism  of  the  Jewish  creed  that,  come 
Kat  may,  God  is  just.  In  Ecclesiastes,25  written  much 
ter,  the  pessimistic  doubts  had  been  intensified  by 
e  degeneracy  of  the  Hasmonean  dynasty,  from  which 

much  had  been  expected  after  the  glorious  campaign 
gainst  the  Syrians.28 

Although  the  Jewish  nation  seemed  to  have  regained 
>litical  independence  after  the  Syrian  host  had  been 
:pelled  from  Palestine,  it  had  virtually  ceased  to  be 
nation  at  the  beginning  of  the  Babylonian  exile, 
mceforth  it  was  a  religious  community.  The  Macca- 
»an  uprising  inspired  by  a  desire  to  frustrate  the 
achinations  of  Antiochus  to  Hellenize  the  Jews, 
ided  in  a  victory  for  the  Pharisaic  party,  the  religi- 
is  enthusiasts  who  had  incited  the  people  to  rebel, 
at  this  victory  broke  the  national  power,  remnants 

which  had  remained  since  the  exile,  for  now  the 
larisees  being  in  the  saddle  made  the  observance  of 
e  Law  the  aim  and  object  of  life.  In  a  certain  sense, 
o,  the  Pharisees  sowed  the  germ  of  personal  religion 

93,  pp.  241  ff;  1894,  p.  121),  after  721  B.  C.;  Kuenen  (Rel. 

Israel,  Edinb.,  1882,  vol.  II,  p.  47),  608  B.  C.;  Ewald, 
irzel,  Bleek,  Riehm,  c.  580  B.  C.;  Driver,  Davidson,  Zunz, 
jsenius,  Knoble,  the  time  of  exile;  Konig-Einl,,  p.  417, 
0  B.  C.;  Haupt  in  Oriental  Studies,  p.  247,  time  of  Darius 
/staspes  (521-485  B.  C.),  some  parts  of  it  as  late  as  Anti- 
hus  (175-163  B.  C.);  Hoffmann  (Hiob.,  Kiel,  1891),  500 

C.;    Duhm   (D.  B.  H.),  c.  450  B.  C.;   Budde,  400  B.  C.; 
leyne's  art.  Job  in  Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl.  makes  the  book 
composite  of  Persian  and  Greek  periods;   Cornill,  Einl., 
h.  ed.,  p.  348,  c.  250  B.  C. 
25  Cf.  Excursus  Ecclesiastes. 
16  Cf.  Marti:  Israelit.  Gesch.,  Strasburg,  1897,  pp.  266  ff. 


100  EEWABD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

by  making  obedience  to  the  Law  the  guiding  principl 
of  the  individual's  life.28* 

The  doctrine  of  individuality  lies  at  the  very  roo 
of  personal  religion,,  leading,  also,  to  a  recognition  c 
responsibility  and  of  the  need  and  value  of  repentance 
These  make  possible  the  moral  improvement   of  th 
individual.    But  as  soon  as  the  gospel  of  individualisi 
was  comprehended  human  life  became  a  more  difficu 
problem  to  solve.    Those  instances  where  the  innocei 
suffered  and  the  guilty  seemed  to  escape  all  punisl 
ment  were  too  numerous  to  be  explained  away  eith( 
as  mere  exceptions  or  as  incidents  of  depravity.     Tr 
untimely  death  of  Josiah  (638-608)  seems  to  have  fu 
nished  material  to  the  thinking  minds  and  fanned  tl 
flame  of  doubt  and  discontent.    Josiah's  death  on  tl 
battlefield   of   Megiddo   (608  B.  C.)  was    looked  upo 
according  to  Jeremiah,  as  an  awful  national  calamity. 
Defeat  at  Megiddo  meant  subjection  to  Egypt.     Th< 
so  much  had  been  expected  from  the  reforms  intr 
duced  by  Josiah.     The  conception  of  JHVJFS  justi 

2ftaCf.  Kent:   "The  Growth  of  Israelitish  Law"  in  Bi 
and  Semitic  Studies,  Yale  Bicentennial  Publications,  N. 
1901,   pp.   84  ff;    also   Deutsch:    The   Philosophy   of   Jewi 
History,  Cine.,  p.  80. 

27  22: 10,  11,  18;  cf.  Giesebrecht:  Comm.  Z.  A.  T.  (I 
wack),  Gott,  1894,  reads  with  LXX  n^>  mrr^K  1 
the  Massoretic  nip1?  referring  it  to  Josiah,  who  is  b 
ter  off,  having  died  in  his  own  land,  than  those  who  die 
exile,  far  away  from  home  and  kindred;  cf.  also  Cornill  i 
his  Hebrew  text  of  Jeremiah  in  P.  B.),  who  accepts  1 
Massoretic  text,  and  refers  ng)p  to  the  dead  in  gener 
Kautzsch  (Die  Heilege  Schrift)  reads  with  Giesebrec 
n$h  (p.  520,  note). 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  101 

died  for  perfect  accord  of  lot  and  life.  How  was 
osiah's  death  to  be  explained  in  the  light  of  JHVH'S 
istice?  Shortly  afterwards  (586  B.C.)  the  people 
ere  ruthlessly  torn  from  their  hearths  and  homes  and 
irried  captive  to  a  foreign  land.  Then,  the  indefinite 
ostponement  of  the  Messianic  age  upon  their  return 
•om  exile  caused  a  powerful  recrudescence  of  the  idea 
lat  the  former  sins  of  the  nation  still  are  being  vis- 
ed upon  a  comparatively  law-abiding  generation, 
or  the  prophets  of  the  exile  had  led  the  people  to 
elieve,  that  upon  their  return  to  Judaea  things  would 
e  brighter  and  better.  This  spark  was  fanned  into 
flame  by  Haggai  and  Zechariah  (c.  520  B.  C.)  who 
eld  out  to  the  people  a  speedy  realization  of  the  Mes- 
anic  dreams.  These  enthusiasts  had  some  warrant 
)r  their  expectations.28  Zerubbabel,  of  the  House  of 
>avid,  was  to  be  the  Messiah;  he  was  to  inaugurate  the 
ew  age.28  Conditions  did  not  change  for  the  better, 
i  their  own  country  they  were  the  subjects  of  a  Hea- 
len-power.  If  the  captivity  in  Babylon  was  to  atone 
)r  the  sins  of  their  forbears,  why  were  they  still  suf- 
Bring?  While  they  were  hoping  and  waiting  for 
HVH  and  putting  their  trust  in  Him,  the  Heathens, 

28  Some  of  the  vassal  states  were  in  open  rebellion  against 
•arius.  Haggai  and  Zechariah  filled  with  Messianic  hopes 
alieved  that  they  saw  in  these  rebellions  the  end  of  Persia's 
ower,  and  looked  for  a  speedy  beginning  of  the  Messianic 
lingdom.  But  Darius  succeeded  in  stamping  out  the  re- 
el J  ions  in  his  empire,  and  the  hopes  of  the  prophets  came 
)  naught. 

'"Haggai  2:20-23;  cf.  Graetz:  Gesch.  d.  Juden.,  vol.  II,  pp. 
)9ff;  Grimm:  Euphemistic  Liturgical  Appendixes,  Balto., 
901,  p.  63  n. 


102  EEWARD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

their  masters,  put  their  trust  in  the  strength  of  war 
chariots  and  in  the  fleetness  of  horses: 

"  There  are  those  who  trust  in  chariots  and  horses, 
But  we  in  the  Name  of  JHVH,  our  God    ...."* 

To  advance  proof  for  the  justice  of  Providence  from 
the  fate  of  the  nation  was  not  a  difficult  task.  For  the 
people  were  never  so  wholly  blameless  as  not  to  justify 
some  punishment.  But  when  the  postulate  of  just  re- 
tribution was  applied  to  the  individual,  as  in  the  case 
of  Job,  it  was  difficult  to  justify  the  ways  of  Provi- 
dence.31 Those  who  participated  least  in  the  guilt 
of  the  people,  nay,  even  those  who  had  strenuously  re- 
sisted evil,  had  often  to  suffer  most,  while  the  careless, 
and  the  thoughtless,  and  the  unjust  enjoyed  good  for- 
tune. Within  this  position  there  was  raised  for  the 
pious,  the  question  of  the  Theodicy,  as  propounded  in 
the  Book  of  Job.32  Why  do  the  pious  suffer  ?  Can  evil 

30  Ps.  20:7,  8   (167  B.  C.) ;  cf.  Driver:   Introd.,  6th  ed.,  p 
388. 

31  Cf .    Wellhausen's    critical   notes    on    Psalms    in    P.    B 
(Engl.  transl.),  to  Ps.  37:  "  The  prosperity  of  the  wicked  it 
a  sore  offense  and  painful  mystery  to  the  godly." 

32  It  is  generally  conceded  that  the  Book  of  Job  is  not  th< 
work  of  one  author.     The  thought  developed  in  prologu* 
and  epilogue  differs  from  the  central  idea  of  the  interven 
ing  poetical  sections.     Prologue  and  epilogue  are  pre-exilic 
written,  possibly,  before  the  discovery  of  the  Law  of  Retrc 
spect  (621  B.  C.),  for  there  is  no  reference  in  them  to  th 
Sanctuary  or  to  the  Priesthood.     Job  still  exercises  the  pre 
rogatives  of  the  patriarch,  offering  in  his  home  sacrifices  fo 
his  children    (1:5).    A  well-known  popular  tale  seems  t 
form  the  setting  for  the  poetical  section  of  Job  and  thi 
tale  is  used  by  a  post-exilic  author  for  the  framework  o 
his  philosophical  theories    (cf.  Macdonald:    "The  Origina 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  103 

and  misery  and  the  disproportion  between  merit  and 
recompense,  be  explained  on  the  hypothesis  of  a  wise 
and  beneficent  Ruler?  How  can  the  mere  existence  of 
evil,  and  the  apparent  injustice  in  the  affairs  of  men 
be  reconciled,  not  merely  with  the  fundamental  teach- 
ings of  the  Law,  but  with  any  form  of  Theism,  what- 
ever? These  and  similar  questions  press  for  a  solution 
in  the  Book  of  Job.  The  accepted  belief,  handed  down 
from  sire  to  son  since  days  immemorial,  that  compensa- 
tion, either  in  the  positive  form  of  reward,  or  in  the 
negative  shape  of  retribution,  determined  everything 
that  befell  man,  no  longer  satisfied  every  one.  The 

Form  of  the  Legend  of  Job,"  in  Journal  of  Bibl.  Lit.,  vol. 
XIV,  pp.  63  ff;  also  Kohler:  "Job  in  Folklore"  in  "Semitic 
Studies,"  Kohut  Memorial  Vol.,  Berl.,  1897;  Nork:  Bra- 
minen  und  Rabbinen,  Meissen,  1836,  p.  240,  who  asserts  that 
Job  is  an  Indian  legend).  This  seems  also  to  have  been 
the  view  of  the  Talmudic  doctors  (B.  Bathra  15a  it  is 
stated:  "Job  did  not  exist,  and  6O33  *6l  rvn  vh  3VK 
rPH  hwD  $b&  the  book  is  an  allegory").  Budde: 
D.  B.  Hiob.  (Nowack),  Gottingen,  1896,  Einl.  VIII;  Mai- 
monides:  More  Nebuchim,  III,  23;  Wellhausen's  notice  of 
Dillman's  Hiob.  Kom.  im.  Jhrbch.  f.  d.  Theol.,  1871,  p.  555; 
Kautzsch:  D.  Sogenannte  Volksbuch  von  Hiob.,  Lpzg.,  1900; 
Driver:  Introd.  to  O.  T.,  6th  ed.,  p.  411;  Duhm:  D.  B.  Hiob., 
Freiburg,  1897,  chpt.  I;  E.  Miiller:  D.  echte  Hiob.,  Hanover, 
1902.  The  book  belongs  to  the  Khokma  lit.  It  deals  with 
difficulties,  which  in  kind,  if  not  in  degree,  might  occur  to 
all  men,  to  any  man;  Cf.  Kent:  ttber  d.  philos.  Versuche 
in  d.  Theodicee,  Lpzg.,  1838,  p.  399,  who  calls  Job  "  a  con- 
secration of  free  critical  inquiry  into  the  ways  of  Provi- 
dence." Cf.  Carlyle  (Sartor  Resartus,  Boston  ed.,  I,  p. 
280),  who  speaks  of  Job  as  "the  first  luminous  statement 
in  books  of  the  problem  of  the  destiny  of  man  and  the  way 
God  takes  with  him  on  earth;"  cf.  Blumenthal:  Rabbi  Meir, 
Frankf.,  1888,  p.  74. 


104  EEWAKD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

principal  elements  of  EzekiePs  teaching33  concerning 
individualism  reappear  in  Job.  Here  it  is  shown  that 
the  doctrine  of  man's  individual  worth  and  of  a  strictly 
individual  retribution,  are  really  irreconcilable.  The 
former  doctrine  receives,  in  the  person  of  Job,  its  no- 
blest exposition  in  all  ancient  literature,  while  in  Job's 
actual  fortunes  the  extravagance  and  fiction  of  the  lat- 
ter are  demonstrated  to  the  full.  In  the  highest  de- 
gree conscious  of  his  own  worth  and  rectitude,  Job 
claims  that  God  should  deal  with  him  in  accordance 
with  what  he  deserves.  Job,  like  all  those  among  whom 
he  lived,  believes  that  everything  which  befalls  man 
reflects  God's  disposition  towards  him — misfortune  be- 
tokens anger,  prosperity  God's  favor.  In  brief,  there 
is  a  strictly  retributive  judgment  enforced  in  the  affairs 
of  man.  But  Job  discerns  that  this  is  not  always  the 
case/4  for  the  wicked  prosper,  grow  old  and  go  down 
to  the  grave  in  peace,  and,  more  than  all  this,  his  seed 
is  established  on  the  earth.  But  the  conflict  between 
faith  and  experience  is  most  pronounced  in  Job's  own 
lot.  He  may,  possibly,  err  in  regards  to  others,  not 
knowing  every  detail  of  their  lives,  but  his  own  life 
is  open  before  him,  as  from  an  open  scroll  he  may  read 
all  that  has  transpired.  He  comes  to  the  conclusion 
that  as  things  are  out  of  joint  in  this  world,  faith  does 
not  receive  its  full  recognition.36  Eliphaz,  one  of  Job's 

33  Cf.  note  15.  34  21: 1-15. 

35  There  is  a  curious  passage  in  the  Talmud  (B.  Bathra, 
16a),  which  seems  to  deny  the  right  of  God  to  judge  man. 
Rabba  (299-352)  said:  "Job  sought  to  free  the  world  from 
judgment.  Thou  didst  create  the  ox,  ...  the  ass, 
.  .  .  Eden,  .  .  .  Gehenna,  ...  the  righteous  and 
the  sinner— who  can  prevent  Thee  from  doing  it." 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  105 

lends,  in  order  "  to  justify  the  ways  of  God  to  man," 
serts  that  suffering,  though  oftentimes  seemingly 
ideserving,  is  not  without  purpose : 

"Happy  the  man  whom  God  corrects;  despise  not,  there- 
re,  the  chastenings  of  the  Lord."  36 

specially,  Elihu37  insists  upon  the  disciplinary  value  of 
iffering.  Suffering,  as  he  opines,  is  not  only  the  con- 
•quence  of  sin,  but  may  be  a  judgment,  warning  the 
nner  by  repentance  to  escape  from  heavier  judg- 
.ent." 

365:17 

DNprr^N  iw  IBID-I  r6$  -i3nOT  BtoK  ngte  run 

Uomp.  8:5-7;  ll:13f;  36:8-15  Elihu);  also  Prov.  3:11,  12, 
here  about  the  same  thought  is  expressed: 

3rjgr"K?S  ngt  »3  inroira  pprr^Ki  DM&rrta  ^  "  ID-ID 

ny}!  ir^K  1*0-1  rj'?v 

My  son,  despise  not  the  chastenings  of  JHVH; 
Neither  be  weary  of  His  reproof; 
For  whom  JHVH  loveth  He  reproveth; 
Even  as  a  father  the  son  in  whom  he  delighteth"    (A. 

R.  V.) 
Cf.  Hebrews  12:5,  6;  Rev.  3:19;  also  Talm.  Berachoth  5a: 

pno'i  ixrno  in  pan  mpns?  Va 

Whom  God  loves  He  chastises;  "  cf.  Frankenberg  (Gott., 
^98,  who  reads  Prov.  3:12b  with  LXX  (fiaonryol)  2K?1 
or  1N5-1  "  He  chastises  the  son  in  whom  he  delights." 
;autzsch  (A.  T.)  in  loc.  prefers  3*{jt?71  Hiphil  for  Piel 
3  the  Piel  is  not  found.  Nowack:  D.  spriiche  Salome's, 
•pzg.,  1883,  adapts  the  LXX  reading.  Cf.  also  M.  Kayser- 
ng:  Moses  Mendelssohn,  Lpzg.,  1888,  p.  465. 

37  Chpts.  32-37,  a  later  insertion.  Cf.  Kautzsch's  A.  T.,  p. 
44,  note;  Driver:  Introd.  6th  ed.,  p.  410;  Budde:  D.  B.  H., 
rbtt.,  1896,  Einl.  XXXV;  Smend:  Altest-Theol.,  p.  602, 
ote  3. 

M33:19ff;   36:8-10;  cf.  Driver:   Introd.  6th  ed.,  pp.  409  ff. 


106  REWARD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

The  author  of  Job  puts  into  the  mouth  of  the  friends 
the  current  theological  view  about  reward  and  punish- 
ment. They  continue  appealing  to  the  traditional  the- 
ory; though  it  be  in  flagrant  contradiction  with  the 
facts  of  life,  they  insist  upon  it  being  accepted.39  They 
possess  a  cut  and  dried  formula  to  solve  all  inconsist- 
encies that  others  may  see  in  the  affairs  of  men — God 
is  just,  He  rewards  the  righteous  and  punishes  the 
wicked.40  If  this  connection  is  not  always  discernible, 
it  is  because  the  sin,  of  which  the  calamity  is  a  punish- 
ment, has  remained  hidden  from  mortal  eyes;  or  the 
punishment  has  been  deferred,  where  sin  has  been  dis- 
covered and  remained  unpunished;  in  God's  own  time 
it  will  be  meted  out  to  the  transgressor,  or  visited  upor 
his  progeny.  Hence,  according  to  the  Theology  of  th( 
friends,  one  is  justified  to  infer  their  character  froir 
the  evident  conditions  of  men.  In  keeping  with  thu 
theory,  the  prosperous  are  the  righteous,  while  those 
who  are  poor  and  suffer  are  the  unrighteous,  for  then 
can  be  no  suffering  without  sin  having  been  incurred 

Thus  Eliphaz  addresses  himself  to  Job,  who,  in  spit< 
of  all  his  friends'  theories,  protests  his  innocence: 

"  Is  it  for  thy  fear  of  Him  that  He  reproves  thee, 
That  he  enters  with  thee  into  judgment? 
Is  not  thy  wickedness  great 
And  without  end  your  transgressions?  "  tt 

89  Cf.  Studer:  D.  Pess.  im  Kampfe  mit  d.  Orthodoxic 
Bremen,  1881. 

40  Cf.  Earth:  Beitr.  z.  Erkl.  d.  B.  Hiob.,  Lpzg.,  1876. 

41  22: 45. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  107 

Zophar  speaks  in  a  similar  vein: 

"  Should  thy  boastings  make  men  hold  their  peace? 
And    when    thou    mockest,    shall    no    man    make    thee 

ashamed? 

For  thou  sayest,  my  doctrine  is  pure, 
And  I  am  clean  in  thine  eyes. 
But  Oh  that  God  would  speak, 
And  open  His  lips  against  thee. 

Know  therefore  that  God  exacteth  of  thee  less  than  thine 
iniquity  deserveth."  tt 

In  the  eyes  of  his  friends,  Job,  so  terribly  afflicted, 
was  regarded  as  steeped  in  wickedness.  But  Job's 
wickedness  was  aggravated  by  his  attempt  to  argue 
against  the  theory  of  his  friends;  such  resistance  was 
iniquitous,  for  it  meant  a  denial  of  God's  justice.  But 
Job  does  not  concern  himself  about  their  remon- 
strances. He  quotes  instances  where  neighbors  who 
had  ridden  roughshod  over  all  law,  human  as  well  as 
divine,  were  not  only  exempt  from  punishment,  but 
prospered  and  lived  on  the  fat  of  the  land.  Where  did 
providential  equity  come  in  ?  **  Deeply  does  Job  search 
for  the  cause  of  all  the  dire  visitations  that  came  upon 
him.  Must  it  be  necessarily  inferred  that  his  misfor- 
tunes are  the  result  of  waywardness  and  sin?  as  his 
friends  contend,  who  first  doubt  his  innocence,  then 
deny  it,  and  finally  accuse  him  openly  of  iniquity." 
Manfully  Job  struggles  against  such  conclusion,43  and 
sustained  by  the  unconquerable  power  of  his  con- 
science, he  makes  up  his  mind  that  life's  blessings  and 
adversities  are  not  distributed  in  keeping  with  the 

48 11: 3-6.  "Chpt.  21.  "8:5;  11:6;  22:4ff. 

45  Cf.  Kayserling:  Moses  Mendelssohn,  Lpzg.,  1888,  p.  465. 


108  EEWAED  AND  PUNISHMENT 

principle  of  justice,  yet  he  concludes  to  continue  on  the 
path  of  righteousness,  conscious  that,  whatever  others 
may  think  of  it,  he  is  pursuing  the  right  way: 

"  My  eye  is  dim  on  account  of  sorrow,  and  the  members  of 

the  body  are  as  a  shadow. 
Upright  men  will  be  astonished  at  this,  and  the  innocent 

is  wroth  at  the  wicked. 
Yet  the  righteous  holds  fast  to  his  way,  and  he  that  has 

clean  hands  waxes  stronger  and  stronger."  46 

In  the  poetical  section  of  the  book  the  problem  re- 
mains unsolved.  JHVH  appears  to  the  persecuted  Job, 
and  in  a  series  of  questions,  demonstrates  to  him  the 
infinite  power  of  the  Deity.47  Job,  overwhelmed  by 
the  depicting  of  JHVEFS  power,  is  compelled  to  make 
admission  that  the  human  mind  cannot  and  ought  not 
to  scrutinize  the  mysteries  of  Providence.48  This  does 
not  offer  a  solution,  it  acknowledges  that  it  exists  but 
must  ever  remain  a  problem  to  mankind.  It  is  an 
appeal  of  Job  to  the  God  of  faith.  The  fact  that  the 
writer  does  not  seek  to  solve  the  antinomies  of  the 
problem,  by  making  his  argument,  as  one  might  antici- 
pate, lead  up  to  the  doctrine  of  a  future  life,  shows  that 
"  the  larger  hope  "  was,  as  yet,  not  a  part  of  the  ac- 
cepted teachings  of  that  generation.  The  Psalmists, 
as  well  as  the  men  whose  sayings  are  preserved  in  the 
Proverbs,  are  equally  impotent  to  solve  the  riddle. 
Their  vision  does  not  extend  to  a  life  beyond  as  a  solu- 
tion for  the  complex  mystery  of  life.  With  Job  they 

46 17: 7-9.  47  38-42: 6. 

48  Cf.  Goitein:  Der  Optimismus  und  Pessimismus,  Berl., 
1890,  pp.  6ff. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  10U 

take  refuge  in  the  firm  conviction  that  JHVH  is  just, 
be  appearances  what  they  may.  Whatever  the  facts 
of  life  may  prove,  to  interpret  them  as  conflicting  with 
JHVH'S  justice  would  be  folly. 

In  the  narrative  conclusion  of  Job  the  problem  finds 
a  ready  solution  in  keeping  with  the  good  old  theory 
according  to  which  Job  being  a  righteous  man  is  richly 
indemnified  by  reparation  of  all  his  losses.4* 

Similarly  the  ways  of  Providence  are  justified  in  the 
Book  of  Tobit,50  which,  in  a  sense,  is  also  a  Theodicy. 
The  author  admonishes  us  to  follow  the  moral  and 
ceremonial  law  strictly,  and  promises  rich  reward  to 
the  obedient.  While  virtue  was  its  own  reward,  God 
would  see  to  it  that  the  pious  were  well  cared  for.  The 
book  centres  around  the  zeal  of  Tobit,  who  is  ever  busy 
burying  the  friendless  and  homeless.81  His  very  life  he 
jeopardizes  in  the  practice  of  this  meritorious  and  God- 
pleasing  act,  for  the  ruling  powers  were  hostile  to  bur- 
ial and  had  interdicted  it.51a  But  Tobit  escapes  pun- 

4942:10b;  cf.  Macdonald:  "The  Original  Form  of  the 
Legend  of  Job  "  in  Journal  of  Bibl.  Lit.,  vol.  XIV,  pp.  63  ft. 

^Lohr's  transl.  of  Tobit  in  Kautzsch's  Apokryphen  und 
Pseudepigraphen  places  the  date  bet.  175-25  B.  C.;  Graetz: 
Gesch.  d.  Juden.,  second  ed.,  vol.  IV,  note  17,  argues  for  the 
time  of  Hadrian  (76-138  C.  E.) ;  Kohut  in  Geiger's  Jiidische, 
Ztsch.,  1872,  pp.  70,  99,  puts  it  still  later,  about  250  C.  E., 
at  the  time  of  the  rule  of  the  Guebres  in  Persia;  Noldeke 
("  Die  Texte  d.  B.  Tobit"  in  Monatssch.  der  Kgl.  Akad.  der 
Wiss.,  Berl.,  Jan.,  1879)  places  the  date  of  book  before  70 
C.  E.;  Hitzig  (Zeitsch.  f.  wissenschaftl.  Theol.,  1860,  pp. 
250  ff )  favors  the  time  after  70  C.  E. 

51 1:8,  17  ff;  2:2-9;  4:3;  9:9. 

"aCf.  note  63. 


110  EEWAKD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

ishment,  God  rewards  him  for  carrying  out  His  be- 
hest.82   Thus  we  read: 

"  And  if  a  man  have  committed  a  sin  worthy  of  death, 
anc1  he  be  put  to  death,  and  thou  hang  him  on  a  tree,  his 
body  shall  not  remain  all  night  upon  the  tree,  but  thou 
shalt  surely  bury  him  the  same  day;  ..." 

The  dignity  ascribed  to  man  in  the  Old  Testament 
literature  M  has  possibly  some  connection  with  the  rite 
of  burial.  Burial  was  regarded  as  indispensable  to  the 
comfort  of  the  departed.  It  was  rarely  withheld  in 
Israel.  Criminals  who  were  hanged/4  or  stoned,58  as  well 
as  suicides,  were  accorded  burial.56  The  corpse  was  an 
object  of  devout  and  tender  respect  only  because  it 
was  thought  that  between  it  and  the  soul  that  had  taken 
wing  some  continuing  relation  needs  must  be,  because 
the  Hebrew  mind  was  possessed  by  the  poetic  thought, 
that  this  world  and  the  world  to  come  held  out,  as  it 
were,  arms  to  embrace  each  other.  Hence,  it  was 
thought,  that  the  separation  of  the  two  elements  of 
earthly  existence,  body  and  soul,  could  not  be  sudden 
and  abrupt,  but  the  latter  still  for  some  days  hovered 
and  lingered  around  the  mansion  which  had  sheltered 
it  so  long,  taking  its  final  departure  only  when  death 
had  begun  to  set  his  seal  irrevocably  on  his  work  in 

G2Deut.  21t22,  23  (D).  In  Talm.  Moed  Katon,  27b,  burial 
is  spoken  of  as  an  act  pleasing  to  God.  In  Talm.  San- 
hedrin  46b  and  Jebamoth  63b  burial  is  said  to  be  a  biblical 
precept  found  in  Deut.  21:22,  23;  cf.  also  Spira:  D.  Eschato- 
logie  d.  Juden.,  Halle,  1889,  pp.  20  ff. 

63 Gen.  1:27  (P).  "Deut.  21:22,  23  (D). 

55  Joshua  7:24-26. 

56 Cf.  Josephus:  Bell.  Jud.,  Ill,  VIII,  5. 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  111 

j  visible  marks  of  corruption."  To  be  refused  hon- 
tble  interment  was  looked  upon  as  a  most  grievous 
amity.88  The  awful  sentence  of  the  prophet  of 
[VH  pronounced  on  Jezebel,  the  wicked  spouse  ot 
ab  (919-897  B.C.)  is: 

'  And  the  dogs  shall  eat  Jezebel  .  .  .  and  there  shall 
none  to  bury  her."  M 

i  awful  denunciation  of  Amos  against  Amazia  (836- 

7  B.  C.)  is  "that  he  shall  die  in  a  strange  land "  " 
ay  from  his  kindred  who  could  not  show  him  the 
t  honors.    It  was  the  fate  that  awaited  Israel's  ene- 
es.61    The  most  awful  punishment  that  Jeremiah  sees 
store  for  Juda?a,  on  account  of  her  idolatry  and  wil- 
Iness,  is  contained  in  the  opening  sentences  of  the 
jhth  chapter: 

'At  that  time,  saith  JHVH,  they  shall  bring  out  the 
les  of  the  kings  of  Judah  .  .  .  and  the  bones  of  the 
nces  .  .  .  and  the  bones  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusa- 
i,  out  of  their  graves;  and  they  shall  spread  them 
'ore  the  sun  .  .  .  they  shall  not  be  gathered,  nor  be 
ried  .  .  .  "  °2 

7Cf.  Perles:  "On  Interment  of  the  Dead  in  Post-Bibl. 
daism,"  in  Frankel's  Monatsschrift,  1860;  cf.  also  Ben- 
ger:  Hebr.  Archaeologie,  Freiburg,  1894,  pp.  163  ff. 

8  Talm.    Jebamoth   63b;    cf.   Kohut:    Angelologie   u.    De- 
•nol.,  p.  12. 

9 II  K.  9:10   (Dt).     This  may  explain  why  childlessness 

s  looked  upon  as  a  dire  misfortune;  also  the  institution 

the  Levirate  (Lev.  18:6  H)  may  derive  its  origin  hence. 

of.  Mielziner  (The  Jewish  Law  of  Marriage  and  Divorce, 

ic.,  1884,  p.  55)  considers  the  Levirate  an  agrarian  law. 

°7:17b. 

1  Jer.  25:33;  ibid.,  14:16;  Ps.  79:3  (169  B.  C.). 

*8:r?   (c.  620  B.  C.);   cf.  ibid.,  9:21b;   II  K.  9:10   (Dt) ; 

.  29:5  (588  B.  C.);  Baruch  2:24. 


112  REWAED  AND  PUNISHMENT 

To  disturb  the  rest  of  the  second  home  was  regard* 
as  an  act  of  cruelty  and  inhumanity.  The  barbaro 
custom  of  the  Parsees,  who  tore  their  corpses  from  th( 
graves  to  be  devoured  by  vultures,  drew  from  Jewi 
breasts  many  sighs  of  anguish.63  The  dread  of  bei] 
unburied  was  common  to  almost  all  peoples.63*  Th 
among  the  Assyrians  to  be  refused  burial  was  regard 
a  terrible  misfortune.  The  destroyer  of  the  Assyri; 
royal  inscriptions  is  threatened  with  the  curse:  "I 
life  shall  end  by  famine,  his  corpse  a  grave  shall  n 
receive." £  Another  time  we  are  told  that  a  rebel  w 
had  committed  suicide  was  refused  burial.0*3-  Surbai 
pal  relates  that  after  the  overthrow  of  Elam  he  c 
troyed  the  sanctuaries  and  uncovered  the  tombs  of  t 
kings,  "  their  bones  I  took  along  to  Assyria,  I  impos 
restlessness  upon  their  shades  and  excluded  them  frc 
the  libations."  "^  Two  causes  may  help  to  explain  t 
dread  of  being  unburied.840  Sacrifices  could  not 
offered  to  the  dead  unless  they  had  received  prof 
burial.  Sacrifices  were  offered  at  the  grave;  for  t 

^(Jebamoth  63b) ;  cf.  Kohut:  Angel,  u.  Demonol.,  p.  12 

6SaCf.  Robertson  Smith:  Rel.  of  the  Semites,  Lond 
1894,  p.  370. 

64  Cf.  Rawlinson:  The  cuneiform  inscriptions  of  W.  A* 
61,  col.  VI,  55.  (Gibira  a  irsi,  May  he  not  receive  a  gra^ 

04*Cf.  Delitzsch:  Handworterbuch  s.  v.  Kibru. 

°*i>  Cf .  also  Jer.  8:1;  comp.  Baruch  2 : 24. 

64c  Cf .  Charles :  A  Grit.  Hist  of  the  Doct.  of  a  Future  L 
pp.  32  ff;  also  Schwally:  D.  Leben  n.  d.  Tode,  pp.  9- 
Stade:  Gesch.  d.  v.  Jisroel,  vol.  I,  pp.  387  ff;  Benzing 
Hebr.  Archaeol.,  pp.  102,  165  ff;  Nowack:  Hebr.  Archae 
vol.  I,  pp.  192  ff;  Bertholet:  Israelit.  Vorstellungen  n. 
Tode,  Freiburg,  1899;  Frey:  Tod.,  Lpzg.,  1898,  pp.  188  fi 


IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  113 

grave  was  in  some  measure  the  temple  in  Ancestor 
Worship.  That  traces  of  Ancestor  Worship  lingered 
in  the  popular  mind  may  be  the  cause  of  the  Mosaic 
Code  prohibiting  all  mourning  customs  that  may  pos- 
sibly revive  the  old  worship.  From  the  standpoint  of 
JHVH-religion  everything  connected  with  death  was 
declared  unclean.  Priests  shall  have  little  to  do  with 
it,  the  High-Priest  nothing  at  all.65  The  second  cause 
for  the  dread  of  remaining  unburied  was  the  current 
conception  that  the  soul  was  connected  with  the  body 
even  after  death.  Hence  every  outrage  to  the  dead 
body  was  also  an  outrage  to  the  departed  soul.  This 
view  appears  as  late  as  Job's  time.65a  As  the  Greeks 
and  Eomans  believed  that  those  who  had  not  received 
burial  were  wandering  about  on  the  shores  of  the  Styx, 
similarly  the  Hebrews  believed  that  the  soul  of  the 
unburied  would  seek  vengeance  and  bring  about  all 
kinds  of  evil.68  Except  in  cases  of  necessity  cremation 
was  looked  upon  by  Babylonians,  Assyrians  and  Jews 
as  an  awful  disgrace.67 

But  not  only  burial,  but  burial  in  the  family  sepul- 
chre, was  the  desire  of  every  Jew.  Peters08  speaks  of 
sacred  burial-sites  in  Persia  to  which  caravans,  carry- 
ing some  beloved  dead,  may  be  met  at  every  season 
of  the  year.  The  repeated  mention  made  in  the  Old 

65  Lev.  21:11,  1  (H) ;  cf.  Frey:  Tod.,  pp.  173  ff;  Nowack: 
Hebr.  Archaeol.,  vol.  II,  pp.  275  ff. 

"aCf.  Job.  14:22. 

"Deut.  21:1  ff    (D). 

67  Cf.  Jeremias:  Holle  u.  Paradies,  Lpzg.,  1900,  p.  10. 

08 Cf.  Peters:  "Civilization  in  Babylonia,"  J.  A.  O.  S.  17: 
163  ff;     also    Jastrow:     "Burial    Customs    in    Babylonia," 
J.  A.  0.  S.  20,  pp.  133  ff. 
8 


114  KEWARD  AND  PUNISHMENT 

Testament  of  "  being  gathered  to  the  fathers,"  3DK> 69) 
(vni2K  Dr,  or  "  to  his  people "  (v&tf  htt  cp&O 70),  proves 
what  hold  this  sentiment  had  upon  the  people. 

69  Gen.  15:15  (JE). 

70  Gen.  49:29-33   (P);  Num.  27:13   (JE). 


CHAPTER  VI 
MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Throughout  the  Old  Testament  there  is  no  ethical 
ignificance  attached  to  life  after  death,  nor  is  a  hope- 
til  view  of  life  after  death  *  to  be  found,  except  the 
)assage  in  Daniel  12  :  2.  Everywhere  it  is  the  old 
Semitic  conception  of  a  cheerless  existence  in  Sheol,2  a 
gloomy  underworld.  Sheol  was  first  conceived  as  a 
:ombination  of  the  graves  of  the  clan  or  the  nation,  and 
hus  as  a  final  abode.  Man's  destiny  ends  in  Sheol ;  into 
ts  precincts  all  men  alike  find  admittance: 3 

1  George  Adam  Smith  in  his  Lectures  on  Hebrew  Poetry 
t  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  (1895-96),  stated  that  the 
iemites  had  no  genius  for  immortality  because  they  lacked 

sustained  sense  for  speculation.  Cf.  Jastrow:  Study  of 
Religion,  London,  1901,  p.  223. 

2Cf.  Jeremias:  Holle  und  Paradies,  Lpzg.,  1900,  p.  31; 
Iso  Charles:  A  Critical  Hist,  of  the  Doctrine  of  a  Future 
jfe,  London,  1899,  p.  34,  note.  ^Kt^  (pit)  corresponds 
xactly  with  the  Assyrian  sualu.  Both  denote  the  place 
nder  the  ground  where  the  dead  reside.  In  Assyrian  the 
3rm  is  explained  as  the  place  of  judgment,  among  the 
ews  as  the  place  where  every  living  being  shall  finally  be 
emanded;  (the  root  ^IS^  means  to  ask,  to  demand),  a 
lace  of  ingathering.  Thus  Habakkuk  (2:5)  compares  the 
icious  man's  desire  to  Sheol  or  death,  who  cannot  be  satis- 
ed,  but  gathereth  unto  him  all  peoples.  Cf.  Carus:  "The 
tabyl.  and  Hebrew  view  of  man's  fate  after  death,"  in 
pen  Court,  June,  1901,  p.  346. 

3  Isa.  14:9,  10  (c.  550  B.  C.);  cf.  Cheyne's  crit.  notes  on 
sa.  in  P.  B.  (Bngl.  transl.)  in  loc.;  comp.  Ez.  31:14-17; 
ob  30:23;  26:5;  Ps.  16:10  (167  B.  C.). 


116        MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

"  Sheol  beneath  is  startled  because  of  thee,  expecting  soon 
thine  arrival; 

It  makes  arise  from  their  thrones  all  the  kings  of  the 

nations, 

They  all  address  thee    .    .     .     and  say  to  thee: 
Thou,  too,  art  made  strengthless  as  we  are — to  us  hast 

thou  been  leveled!" 

Just  as  one  desired  burial  in  the  family  sepulchre 
that  he  may  join  the  circle  ol  his  ancestors,  so  honorable 
interment  was  a  prerequisite  to  an  honorable  place  in 
Sheol,  i.  e.  to  a  union  with  his  people  there.  Other- 
wise, he  is  thrust  into  the  lowest  and  outlying  parts 
of  the  pit.4  Sheol  has  different  divisions  or  chambers 
HID  mn  (Prov.  7  :  27);  it  is  also  provided  with  gates 
(Job  38  :  17),  and  these  are  secured  with  bars  (ibid., 
17  :  16).  It  was  located  in  the  lowest  parts  of  the 
earth  (Ps.  63:  9),  below  the  sea  (Job  26:  5),  yet  above 
the  subterranean  waters  (Ps.  71:20).  It  is,  therefore, 
without  light.  Job  speaks  of  it  as  "  the  land  of  dark^ 
ness."  5  Upon  the  whole,  the  outlook  beyond  the  grave 
is  dreary.  The  Psalmists  assure  us  again  and  again 
that  JHVH  enjoys  life  and  not  death.  Man  must 
praise  Him  while  living,  for  the  dead  cannot  praise 
God: 

"  Wilt  thou  for  the  dead  work  a  wonder? 
Will  shades  rise  to  render  Thee  thanks? 
Do  they  tell  in  the  grave  of  Thy  goodness? 
Of  Thy  faithfulness,  in  the  world  down  below? 
Can  Thy  wonders  be  made  known  in  the  darkness? 
And  Thy  righteousness  in  the  land  of  oblivion?  " 6 

4  Bz.  32 : 22  f .  5 10 : 21  f ;  comp.  Jonah  2 : 7. 

6  Ps.  88:10-12  (c.  536  B.  C.). 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        117 

"  It  is  not  the  dead  who  praise  JAH, 
Nor  all  those  who  are  gone  down  to  the  silent  land, 
But  it  is  we  who  bless  JHVH, 
From  this  time  forth  for  ever  and  ever."  7 

In  Ecclesiasticus  we  read: 
"  I  hate  idolatry  with  all  earnestness; 
Who  will  praise  the  Most  High  in  Sheol? 
For  all  the  living  can  praise,  but  the  dead  that  are  no 

longer  cannot  praise. 

Therefore  praise  the  Lord  whilst  thou  livest  and  art 
whole."  7* 

Two  cases  are  on  record  of  men  who  were  not 
doomed  to  abide  in  Sheol — Enoch  and  Elijah.8  But 
these  exceptions  are  nowhere  mentioned  as  indicative 
of  hope  for  other  mortals  to  escape  the  doom  of  a  re- 
tention in  Sheol.  For  the  mass  of  mankind  Sheol  re- 
mains a  monster  whose  maw  is  constantly  open  to  de- 
vour life  with  all  its  pomp,  noise  and  confusion: 

"  Therefore  Sheol  gapes  ravenously,  and  opens  the  mouth 

to  its  widest; 

And  the  splendor  of  Zion,  and  her  busy  throng,  and  all 
who  are  joyous  within  her,  plunge  headlong  into 
it."  9 

"  Let  us  swallow  them  up  alive  as  Sheol, 
And  whole,  as  those  that  go  down  into  the  pit." 10 

And  yet  the  very  conception  of  Sheol  warrants  the 
belief  that  some  vague  idea  of  a  future  state  was  cur- 

7  Ps.  115: 17  f  (167  B.  C.);  comp.  Ps.  6:5. 
7a  17: 24-27. 

8  Gen.  5:24  (P) ;  II  K.  2:11  (c.  830  B.  C.). 
9Isa.  5:14  (c.  735  B.  C.). 

10Prov.  1:12  (c.  200  B.  C.);  cf.  Driver:  Introd.  6th  ed., 
p.  405;  comp.  Prov.  30:16. 


118        MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

rent  among  the  Hebrews.  The  mere  fact  that  the  dead 
followed  with  much  interest  and  sympathy  the  fate 
of  those  left  behind  on  earth  "  led  to  conjuration  and 
necromancy.  The  classical  example  is  the  story  of  the 
Witch  of  Endor.12  The  appearing  of  Samuel  to  Saul 
did  not  admit  complete  cessation  of  the  life  of  the 
spirit  after  death.  The  consultation  of  the  occult 
powers  by  Saul  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  Escha- 
tological  belief  of  his  countrymen.13  A  sharp  distinc- 
tion is  drawn  between  body  and  soul,,  or,  rather,  the 
spirit,  which  after  the  dissolution  of  the  body  was  be- 
lieved to  continue  as  a  ghost.14  Samuel's  spirit  was  in 

nlsa.  14:9,  10   (550  B.  C.). 

12 1  Sam.  28:7-16  (about  950  B.  C.);  comp.  Isa.  65:4; 
57:9;  29:4;  8:19. 

is «  The  Q  T  SUppiies  us  With  an  admirable  illustration 
of  the  method  of  obtaining  oracles  through  the  dead.  Saul, 
when  he  desires  to  know  what  the  outcome  of  a  battle  will 
be,  seeks  out  a  sorceress  and  through  her  calls  up  the  dead 
Samuel  (I  Sam.  28:11)  and  puts  the  question  to  him.  Simi- 
larly, in  the  Gilgamish  Epic,  the  hero,  with  the  aid  of  Ner- 
gal,  obtains  a  sight  of  Eabani  and  plies  him  with  ques- 
tions. ...  It  is  natural,  therefore,  to  find  the  Baby- 
lonian term  sualu  paralleled  by  the  Hebrew  sheol."  Jas- 
trow:  The  Rel.  of  Babyl.  and  Assyria,  Boston,  1898,  p.  560. 

14 Cf.  Briggs:  Semitic  Studies  (in  Kohut's  Memorial  Vol., 
Berl.,  1897,  pp.  94-105)  on  the  use  of  J?  and  33^  in  the 
O.  T.;  also  Goodwin:  "On  the  use  of  37  and  Kapdia 
in  the  O.  and  N.  T.,"  in  Journal  of  Bibl.  Lit.,  vol.  I,  pp. 
67  ff;  also  Ges.  Buhl  (13th  ed.),  p.  765a,  2;  also  Wohlge- 
muth:  Die  TJnsterblichkeitslehre  in  der  Bibel,  Berl.,  1900, 
pp.  5  ff.  "  According  to  the  primitive  Hebrew  view,  man 
was  composed  not  of  three  essentially  distinct  elements — a 
trichotomy — spirit,  soul  and  body,  but  only  of  two — a  dich- 
otomy— spirit,  or  soul,  and  body.  Spirit  and  soul  were  one 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        119 

Sheol  and  had  been  disturbed  by  the  necromancer. 
The  dead  retains  the  personal  appearance  that  belonged 
to  him  while  among  the  living,  for  both  Saul  and  the 
witch  instantaneously  recognize  Samuel,  who  is  dis- 
pleased at  being  disturbed  (1  Sam.  28:  15).  Also  the 
habits  of  the  living  seem  to  be  preserved  among  the 
shades  in  Sheol.  The  prophet  is  thus  distinguished 
by  his  mantle  (ibid.,  28  :  14);  kings  by  their  thrones 
(Isa.  14:  9);  the  uncircumcised  by  the  foreskin  (Ez. 
32:  24).  Schwally  is  of  the  opinion  that  life  in  Sheol 
was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  continuation  of  life  on  earth.15 
Sheol,  first  a  place  for  all  dead  alike,16  became  later  a 
kind  of  intermediate  abode,17  later  still,  a  place  of  pun- 

and  the  same.  They  were  synonymous  in  their  primitive 
signification  as  "  breath "  or  "  wind."  The  conception  of 
both  was  arrived  at  by  observation.  When  the  breath 
(!Tn  or  £>SJ)  left  the  body,  death  ensued.  Thus  the 
principle  of  life  was  identified  with  the  soul  or  spirit." 
Cf.  Charles:  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life,  London,  1899,  p.  45; 
cf.  also  Toy's  crit.  notes  on  Ez.  in  P.  B.  (Engl.  transl.)  to 
chpt.  37,  where  it  is  stated  that  "breath  (=  spirit)  and 
wind  are  in  form  identical  in  Hebrew  as  in  many  other  lan- 
guages, and  in  the  earliest  ideas  of  men  the  two  things 
were  identical." 

15  D.  Leben  n.  d.  Tode,  Giessen,  1892;  cf.  also  Spira:  D. 
Eschatol.  d.  Juden.,  Halle,  1889,  pp.  23  ff ;  Derenbourg  in 
Revue  des  etudes  juives,  XV,  29,  p.  109;  Frey:  Tod.,  Lpzg., 
1898,  pp.  188-228. 

10  Isa.  14:9-11  (c.  550  B.  C.);  comp.  ibid.,  38:18  (post- 
exilic);  Ez.  31:14-17;  32:18-31;  Job  30:23;  26:5;  Isa.  26:14, 
19  (c.  332  B.  C.);  Ps.  55:15;  6:5;  16:10. 

17  The  idea  of  Sheol  as  an  intermediate  abode  became  the 
prevailing  view  after  200  B.  C.  Abr.  Geiger  states  (Was 
hat  Mohammed  aus  dem  Judenthume  aufgenommen,  2d  ed., 
Lpzg.,  1902,  p.  67)  that  while  the  D'pHV  (the  pious) 


120        MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ishment.18  Like  the  Babylonians  and  the  Greeks,  the 
Jews  developed  the  idea  that  there  must  be  a  differ- 
ence in  the  fate  of  the  dead.  In  the  Old  Testament 
there  is  no  distinction  between  Gehenna  and  Paradise, 
all  mortals  are  after  death  gathered  into  Sheol.  But 
the  gloomy  picture  of  Sheol  must  have  aroused  aver- 
sion, and  at  the  same  time  doubt  as  to  the  justice  of 
JHVH.  If  Sheol  be  the  end  of  the  just  and  unjust 
alike,  how  is  this  fact  to  be  reconciled  with  JHYH'S 
justice?  Such  reflection  must  needs  lead  to  the  idea 
of  a  retribution  after  death,  reward  for  the  pious  and 
good,  punishment  for  the  godless  and  sinful.  This  idea 
is  not  fully  developed  within  the  Old  Testament,  for 
such  a  development  presupposed  belief  in  a  Messianic 

dwelled  in  Paradise,  the  DW"l  (the  wicked)  dwelled  in 
Gehenna.  Those  who  were  between  the  pious  and  the 
wicked  (DOWS)  lived  in  a  place  between  Paradise  and 
Gehenna.  He  quotes  a  Midrash  (to  Eccl.  7:14)  in  proof 
of  his  statement.  "  How  much  space  is  there  between  the 
two,  viz.,  Paradise  and  Gehenna?  R.  Jochanan  said — a 
wall.  R.  Acha,  a  hand's  breadth.  While  other  Rabbis 
claimed  that  they  were  close  to  one  another,  so  that  one 
could  see  from  one  place  into  the  other.  Cf.  Charles:  Doct. 
of  a  Future  Life,  p.  69,  who  discerns  a  reference  to  an  inter- 
mediate state  in  Job  19:25-27;  comp.  Isa.  26:19  (c.  332  B. 
C.);  II  Mace.  (c.  20  C.  E.)  7:9,  11,  14;  12:44. 

18  The  subdivision  of  Sheol  into  Paradise  and  Gehenna  is 
late.  In  the  Old  Testament  no  such  division  is  found. 
Sheol  is  not  as  in  the  dualism  of  Persia  a  realm  of  evil  as 
opposed  to  good,  but  it  is  a  part  of  the  general  plan  of 
divine  creation.  Thus  R.  Zeira  (257-320)  explained  run 
1XD  11D  "  behold  it  was  very  good,"  with  pr  p  -If 
"this  is  Eden,"  and  "1KB  mtD  njni  "and  behold  it 
was  very  good  "  he  explained  with  D3TU  -IT  "  this  is  Ge- 
henna "  (Midr.  Rabb.  to  Gen.  chpt.  9).  Though  the  word 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        121 

ge  and  a  hope  in  individual  immortality.  Messianism, 
:s  well  as  individual  immortality,  did  not  constitute 
•eal  elements  in  the  consciousness  of  the  Jew  until 
)olitical  independence  began  to  wane  and  with  it  the 
lope  of  ever  rehabilitating  it.  Therefore,  retribution 
ifter  death  does  not  find  its  complete  development 
mtil  the  centuries  that  witnessed  the  decline  of  the 
:lassical  world  and  the  rise  of  Christianity.  For  the 
ame  fundamental  beliefs  that  shaped  the  religion  of 
he  nation,  and  determined  the  development  of  every 
>ther  department  of  its  religious  literature,  showed 
hemselves  to  be  fully  operative  also  in  .ae  Old  Testa- 
nent  ideas  concerning  "  the  last  things/7  It  was  the 
loctrine  of  the  chosen  people  which  shaped  and  mould- 

lehenna  occurs  in  the  Old  Testament  it  never  refers  to  a 
)lace  of  torment  in  the  spirit  world.  The  worst  punish- 
nent  ever  threatened  against  evil  in  Old  Testament  is  death 
;Cheyne:  Introd.  to  the  Bk.  Isa.,  p.  380,  thinks  punishment 
n  Gehenna  is  implied  in  Isa.  50:11;  64:24;  cf.  also  Smend: 
Uttest.  Religionsgesch.,  p.  506.)  The  word  Gehenna  is  de- 
•ived,  ultimately,  from  D3n  \j  (Valley  of  Hinnom).  It 
ay  to  the  south  of  Jerusalem.  The  name  is  possibly  taken 
rom  some  ancient  hero,  the  son  of  Hinnom  (Joshua  15:8; 
18:16).  Solomon  erected  high  places  there  for  Moloch 
(I  K.  11:7),  whose  horrid  rites  were  revived  by  later  idola- 
rous  kings.  Ahaz  and  Manasseh  made  their  children  pass 
hrough  the  fire  in  this  valley  (11  K.  16:3)  (comp.  II  Chron. 
J8:3;  33:6);  and  the  fiendish  custom  of  sacrificing  infants 
seems  to  have  been  kept  up  for  some  time  in  Tophet  (Jer. 
7:31;  II  K.  23:10).  Josiah  polluted  the  place  to  put  an  end 
;o  the  abominations  (II  K.  23:10,  13,  14;  II  Chron.  34:4  f), 
md  it  became  the  common  cesspool  of  the  city  (comp.  Jer. 
7:31,  32;  19:6,  11;  32:35a).  In  the  Midrash  to  the  eleventh 
Psalm  we  read :  "  There  are  seven  dwelling  places  for  the 
flicked  in  Gehenna;  cf.  Talm.  Sotah,  lla. 


122        MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ed  the  growth  of  Hebrew  and  Jewish  Eschatolog} 
The  ideal  was  not  individual  but  national.  The  reali 
zation  of  this  ideal  was  laid  in  this  world — it  was  Ca 
naan  re-established  as  a  politically  independent  stat 
under  the  sceptre  of  one  of  the  House  of  David.19 

In  modern  days,  under  the  name  of  Zionism,,  the  nf 
tional  ideal  of  the  ancient  Hebrews  has  been  resus 
citated.20  Zion  is  again  the  watchword  for  the  op 
pressed  and  persecuted  to  gather  on  the  holy  soil  r 
Palestine  as  an  independent  nation. 

The  ideal  of  the  individual  could  be  only  attained  i 
the  realization  of  the  national  ideal.  Here  was  notl 
ing  to  direct  the  gaze  of  one  beyond  the  grave.  Goo 
and  ill  as  he  experienced  them,  were  either  rewar 

19Hosea  1:11;  12:9;  14:4-7  (c.  750  B.  C.);  Amos  9:11-] 
(a  later  addition);  cf.  Driver:  Introd.  6th  ed.,  p.  318;  c 
Ez.  11:16,  17;  20:42;  36:28;  37:24-28;  39:25-29  (592-5' 
B.  C.);  Obadiah  12-17  (586  B.  C.);  Jer.  32:42-44;  33:7-1 
(586  B.  C.);  Jer.  31:1-4  (after  586  B.  C.);  Zech.  8:1-8  (51 
B.  C.);  Joel  3:16-21  (400  B.  C.);  Zech.  10:6-12  (280  B.  C.) 

20  Zionism  dates  from  the  year  70  C.  E.,  which  witnessc 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Rome.  From  that  time  c 
the  Jew  became  a  wanderer  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Mar 
efforts  have  been  made  to  gather  the  Jews,  dispersed  ov< 
the  face  of  the  earth,  in  Zion.  The  love  for  Zion  was  ev« 
strong  among  the  Jews.  (Cf.  Songs  of  Exile,  Nina  Davi 
Jewish  Publ.  Soc'y,  Phila,  1901.)  In  more  recent  da; 
(1864)  a  journalist  by  the  name  of  Hess  published  a  pamp 
let,  "  Rome  and  Jerusalem,"  in  which  he  advocates  the  r 
nationalization  of  the  Jew  in  Palestine.  The  Zionist  mo\ 
ment  of  the  present  is  indirectly  due  to  the  assassination 
the  Czar  Alexander  II,  in  1882.  The  Jews  were  held  respo 
sible  for  the  crime  and  the  consequence  was  an  awful  per? 
cution.  As  a  result  of  this,  a  score  of  men  met  in  Odes: 
and  resolved  to  start  a  movement  to  lead  the  Jews  back 
Palestine.  A  number  of  societies  by  the  name  of  "  Love 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        123 

ind  punishment  for  his  doings,  or  the  consequence  of 
•ome  good  or  bad  deed  on  the  part  of  the  nation. 
Sickness,  loss,  and  death,  were  the  sure  wages  of  trans- 
jression.  As  JHVH  settled  his  accounts  on  earth, 
here  was  no  need  to  look  for  a  future  reward.  Death 
s  the  punishment  for  extreme  wrongdoing;  and  life, 
ife  prolonged,  life  honored,  life  enriched,  life  made 
ia.ppy  by  many  children,  life  filled  with  all  those  things 
nen  care  for — this  is  the  greatest  reward  ever  offered 
!or  goodness  within  the  pages  of  the  Old  Testament. 
The  deprivation  of  these  is  the  worst  threat  made  in 
:he  way  of  punishment:  "Behold  the  righteous  shall 
ae  recompensed  on  earth;  how  much  more  the  wicked 
md  the  sinner." '' 

3f  Zion "  were  organized  among  the  Jews  in  Russia,  and 
ilso  outside  of  it.  But  the  movement  for  some  cause  lan- 
guished for  about  twelve  years,  when  the  celebrated  case 
jf  Captain  Dreyfus  infused  it  with  fresh  life.  The  move- 
ment henceforth  assumed  an  international  character  under 
:he  leadership  of  Drs.  Herzl  and  Nordau,  two  men  of  letters. 
Dr.  Herzl  published  "The  Jewish  State,"  in  which  he  co- 
gently advocates  the  acquisition  of  Palestine  and  its  con- 
version into  a  Jewish  state.  Inspired  by  this  publication  a 
meeting  of  representative  Zionists  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  took  place  in  Basle  in  August,  1897.  The  following 
is  taken  from  a  Zionist  publication  (The  Maccabean,  N.  Y., 
July,  1902) :  "  Zionism  is  a  movement  which  voices  the  feel- 
ing that  has  pervaded  the  Jewish  people  since  the  Diaspora 
— the  desire  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  Jews  in  their 
ancient  fatherland.  The  modern  movement  is  endeavoring 
to  replace  remote  yearnings  by  organized  effort;  it  is  con- 
scious of  a  variety  of  influences,  bringing  necessity  up  to 
the  level  of  the  strongest  sentiment."  Cf.  J.  de  Haas: 
Zionism,  London,  1901;  also  Max  Nordau:  "Zionism,"  in 
the  International  Quarterly,  vol.  VI,  No.  1  (1902). 
21Prov.  11:31. 


124        MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

"  The  curse  of  JHVH  is  in  the  house  of  the  wicked, 
but  He  blesses  the  habitations  of  the  righteous."  22 

Neither  the  authors  of  the  Pentateuch,23  nor  the 
Prophets,  ever  taught  that  after  death  the  soul  would 
enter  upon  another  existence,  in  which  virtue  would  be 
rewarded  with  eternal  happiness  and  vice  with  eternal 
pain.  The  Old  Testament  horizon  lies  wholly  on  this 
side  of  the  grave.24  But  the  reward  of  virtue  is  not 
always  bestowed  on  him  to  whom  it  rightfully  belongs, 
nor  is  punishment,  even,  meted  out  to  him  who  is  de- 
serving of  it.  This  led  to  a  problem  most  difficult  of 
solution.  Job  wrestles  with  it  without  avail,  also  Eccle- 
siastes,20  and  before  them,  Jeremiah 20  makes  reference 
to  it.  So  early  was  the  problem  set,  but  it  cannot  be 
said  that  it  has  ever  been  solved  within  the  pages  of 
the  Old  Testament. 

Of  necessity  an  ethical  sense  must  spring  up  among 
the  ancient  Hebrews,  because  it  springs  up  among  all 

2-Prov.  3:33;  comp.  Deut.  28:16-68   (D). 

23  Cf.  Ewald  (Gesch.  d.  V.  Israel,  third  ed.,  vol.  II,  pp. 
190-93)  says:  "  Mosaism  neither  denies  or  affirms  any  view 
concerning  the  life  after  death,  it  remains  wholly  indiffer- 
ent to  it." 

24Cf.  Lev.  26:3-34  (H) ;  comp.  Deut.  29:21-28  (Dt);  Jer. 
22:8,  9  (586  B.  C.) ;  cf.  Hartmann  (Das  rel.  Bemusstsein  der 
Menschheit,  Berl.,  82,  p.  432),  who  seems  to  think  that  the 
promise  of  reward  and  punishment  was  not  the  essential 
contents  of  the  Law,  but  merely  an  additional  motive  to  have 
it  obeyed.  Cf.  also  Dillon  (Sceptics  of  the  O.  T.,  London,  '95, 
p.  11),  "It  was  one  of  the  saddest  theories  ever  invented. 
Virtue  was  at  best  a  mere  matter  of  business,  one  of  the 
crudest  forms  of  utilitarianism,  a  bargain  between  JHVH 
and  his  creatures." 

25Cf.  Eccl.  1:2;  3:8,  21;  4:2,  3;  6:3;  7:15;  8:10;  9:11,  12. 

26 12:1-5  (626-604  B.  C.). 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        125 

)eoples  after  they  reach  a  certain  stage  of  develop- 
nent.  Unclouded  skies  and  perfect  happiness  are  con- 
litions  of  innocent  childhood.  But  as  the  child  grows 
)lder,  clouds  appear  in  the  skies  and  happiness  be- 
comes less  and  less  perfect.  Thus  while  the  ancient 
Hebrews  during  many  centuries  seemed  wholly  satis- 
led  with  the  affairs  of  life,  never  doubting  for  one 
noment  that  JHVH  had  ordered  everything  for  the 
best,  the  time  came  when  they  began  to  ask  the  why 
and  wherefore  of  many  happenings.  Good  and  evil 
was  the  weightiest  of  the  problems  pressing  hard  for 
some  solution.  How  can  the  undoubted  evil  of  the 
world  be  reconciled  with  the  supposed  original  perfec- 
tion.27 To  the  Theist  the  existence  of  evil  must  ever 
be  a  most  perplexing  problem.  How  could  God  have 
created  evil  which  implies  imperfection  on  the  part 
of  God?  From  this  problem  it  was  but  a  short  step  to 
the  other  problem:  "  Can  the  disproportion  between 
merit  and  recompense  be  explained  on  the  hypothesis 
of  a  wise  and  beneficent  Euler?  "  Human  standards  of 
equity  and  justice  look  for  a  causal  connection  between 
sin  and  suffering,  righteousness  and  happiness. 

The  discord  between  the  actual  and  what  our  sense 
of  justice  would  seem  to  demand,  was  in  truth  the  bur- 
den of  the  Prophetical  writings.  It  is  a  characteristic 
of  the  ethical-religions  in  contrast  with  nature-religions 
that  the  former  have  as  their  contents  not  chiefly  the 
present,  but  seek  true  satisfaction  in  a  future  state. 

27  Cf.  Munk:  "Melange  de  phil.,"  Paris,  1859,  p.  462:  "  Ce 
qui  devait  surtout  preocuper  les  sages  des  Hebreux  c'etait 
1'existence  du  mal  dans  un  monde  de  1'etre  qui  est  le  Su- 
preme Dieu." 


126         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

In  Mosaism  religious  hope  had  but  little  place;  the  in- 
dividual's goal  was  circumscribed.  While  the  prophets, 
on  the  whole,  cling  to  the  Mosaic  idea  of  reward  and 
punishment,  they  supplement  it  with  the  hope  of  a 
Messiah,  or  rather  a  Messianic  Kingdom  here  on  earth 
to  be  ruled  over  by  a  representative  of  JHVH  who  is 
to  mete  out  justice. 

"  The  spirit  of  the  Lord  JHVH  is  upon  me,  because  JHVH 
has  anointed  me, 

And  has  sent  me  to  bring  good  news  to  the  afflicted,  to 
bind  up  the  broken-hearted, 

To  proclaim  liberty  to  the  captives,  and  opening  of  the 
eyes  to  the  blind, 

To  proclaim  JHVH's  year  of  favor  and  the  day  of  ven- 
geance of  our  God, 

To  comfort  all  mourners,  to  give  them  instead  of  ashes  a 
coronal, 

Oil  of  joy  for  the  garment  of  mourning,  a  song  of  praise 
for  a  failing  spirit, 

So  that  men  will  call  them  Children  of  Righteousness, 
the  planting  of  JHVH  with  which  He  adorns  Him- 
self. 

For  I,  JHVH,  love  justice,  I  hate  unjust  spoil, 
And   I  will  give  them  their  recompense  faithfully,  and 
make  with  them  an  everlasting  covenant."  28 

This  became  necessary  to  give  a  satisfactory  expla- 
nation to  those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  apparent 
injustice  in  the  lot  of  man,  but  chiefly  to  point  to  the 
transitoriness  of  the  success  of  the  heathen  nations. 
Retribution  would  ultimately  even  up  all  inequalities. 

Similarly,  the  poets  and  philosophers  of  the  classi- 

28Isa.  61:1-4,  8  (432  B.  C.);  comp.  Jer.  31:23f  (586  B.  C.) 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        127 

1  age  of  Greece,  unable  to  solve  the  painful  and  per- 
exing  riddle  of  the  conflict  between  guilt  and  faith, 
ught  at  first  a  solution  in  the  conception  of  retri- 
ition  in  the  world  below,  by  which  Hades,  hitherto 
ought  as  indifferent,  was  differentiated  into  places 
reward  and  punishment.  Hartmann  observes,2* 
that  the  empirical  Pessimism  which  takes  in  Ecclc- 
astes  "°  the  place  of  the  old  Israelitic  Optimism,  be- 
me  an  incentive  for  the  large  majority  of  people  to 
ve  Theism  and  the  justice  of  God  by  going  beyond 
ie  empirical  conditions  of  life  and  adopting  the  Per^ 
an  belief  in  Resurrection.  The  transcendent  continu  • 
ion  of  life,  and  being  repaid  for  the  ills  and  woes  of 
fe  form  a  theory  (Hilfstheorie)  of  Theism  necessary 
om  the  moment  the  misery  of  this  life  has  been 
»und  out." 
Though  the  term  "  Messianic  "  81  was  the  product  of 

29  Das  rel.  Bewusstsein  d.  Menschheit,  p.  460;  cf.  also 
;ade,  Akad.  Reden  und  Abhandlungen,  Giessen,  1899,  p.  41. 
80 1:4-10. 

31  The  term  "  anointed,"  !TI£>p  does  not  appear  in  the 
Id  Testament  as  a  technical  term;  it  is  always  used  in  its 
;neral  significance.  Any  person  might  be  spoken  of  as 
anointed,"  "  an  anointed  one."  Of  course  the  term  was 
jed  of  but  few;  these  were  the  High-priests,  as  Aaron  and 
s  sons  (Exod.  30:22-33;  Lev.  4:3  P),  the  kings  (I  Sam. 
':!;  16:13),  occasionally  the  prophets  (Ps.  105:15).  In 
Js  metaphysical  sense  the  term  was  always  applied  to 
ly  individual  upon  whom  the  spirit  of  JHVH  seemed  to 
ive  descended  to  lay  on  him  a  commission  (Isa.  61:1,  432 
.  C.).  This  applies  to  Cyrus  (Isa.  45).  In  45:13  Cyrus 
>58-529  B.  C.)  is  to  rebuild  the  city  of  JHVH  and  in  44:26 
i  is  to  lay  the  foundation  of  Jerusalem.  Cf.  also  Grimm: 
uphemistic  Liturgical  Appendixes,  Balto.,  1901,  p.  12,  note 


128         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  ideas  of  a  later  time,  the  hope  it  implied  existed 
for  many  centuries  before  the  term  came  into  aetua 
use  as  a  designation  for  the  Messianic  or  Theocratic 
government.  The  expectation  of  a  particular  person 
age  is  found  in  the  Psalter  of  Solomon 32  (63-45  B.  C.) 
where  the  technical  title  of  "  Messiah  "  first  occurs.  Th 

32  Under  the  title  "  Psalter  of  Solomon "  there  is  extan 
in  a  Greek  translation  a  collection  of  18  psalms,  modelec 
evidently,  on  the  canonical  psalms.  The  psalms  are  quic. 
with  Messianic  hope.  It  seems  to  be  certain  that  the  orig 
inal  language  of  these  psalms  was  Greek  (cf.  Ryle  an 
James:  The  Psalter  of  Solomon,  Cambridge,  1891,  pp.  77  ff 
Kittel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  pp.  129  ff) 
Perles:  "  Zur  Erklarung  d.  Ps.  Sal.,"  Berlin,  1902.  Thes 
psalms  were  not  known  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Th 
earliest  traces  of  their  existence  are  found  in  the  IVth  BV 
of  Ezra  (90  C.  E.).  Hilgenfeld  (Messias  Judaeorum,  Li] 
siae,  1869,  pp.  13  ff )  states  that  the  author  of  Ezra  mus 
have  been  familiar  wich  the  psalms,  as  is  shown  by  con 
paring  passages  of  Ezra  (13:39;  4:25)  with  psalms  (8:34 
9:18).  The  date  (63-45  B.  C.)  seems  to  meet  with  genera 
favor.  That  the  second  psalm  refers  to  Pompey  (48  B.  C. 
is  the  opinion  of  Noldeke,  Geiger,  Schiirer;  cf.  also  Pick 
"Psalter  of  Solomon,"  in  Presbyterian  Review,  1883;  als 
Cornill:  Einl.,  p.  295;  Cheyne:  Rel.  after  the  Exile,  p.  245 
Kittel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  p.  218;  Gunkel 
Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  p.  79.  The  Maccabean  time  is  favore 
by  Ewald,  Oehler  and  Dillman.  Delitzsch  argues  for  th 
time  of  Herod;  cf.  also  E.  E.  Geiger:  D.  Psalter  Solomo': 
Augsburg,  1871;  Hilgenfeld:  "  Ztschf .  f.  wiss.  Theol.,  186! 
pp.  134-168;  Drummond:  The  Jewish  Messiah,  1877,  pp.  13: 
142;  Winter  u.  Wuensche:  Gesch.  d.  Jud.-Hellenist.  u.  Tain 
Lit.,  Berl.,  1897,  vol.  I,  p.  687;  Zunz:  "  Uber  den  Glauben  c 
Juden  an  einen  Kiinftigen  Messiah,"  Ztsch.  f.  d.  Wiss.  ( 
Judent,  Berl.,  1822,  vol.  I;  Prankenberg:  Die  Datierun 
d.  Psalmen  Solomo's,  Giessen,  1896. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        129 

essiah82*  is,  here,  the  son  of  David  and  King  of 

rael.     His  mission  it  is  to  cleanse  Jerusalem  from 

L  heathenish  abominations  and  to  slay  all  the  god- 

ss.88    Robertson  Smith  correctly  states  that  the  idea 

a  personal  Messiah  is  post-canonical  with  reference 

the  Old  Testament.54    Dean  is  of  the  opinion  85  that 

e  Psalter  of  Solomon36  was  conceived  in  the  spirit 

Old  Testament  prophecy,  and  was  designed  to  con- 

le  the  Jews  under  national  calamity  by  confirming 

eir  faith  in  future  retribution  and  Messianic  hopes: 

Behold,  0  Lord,  and  raise  up  for  them  their  King, 

e  son  of  David,  at  the  time  which  Thou,   0  God, 

lowest."  *  a    The  Messianic  hope  expresses  the  faith 

eply  rooted,  that  the  Israelitic  nation  is  immortal, 


2aQn  !W»  (Messiah)  see  Lagarde,  Psalt.  Chpt.  VII; 
tnitica,  1:50;  Symmicta  11:92;  Ubersicht  iiber  die  im 
am.,  Arab.  u.  Hebr.  iibliche  Bildung  d.  Nomina,  Gott., 
39,  pp.  90-109;  Register  u.  Nachtrage,  pp.  62-65;  Mitth.  4, 
389;  Deutsche  Schriften,  Gott.,  1892,  pp.  53,  95,  128.  On 
•ss.  Psalms  cf.  D.  G.  Stevens  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 
•culars,  No.  106  (June,  1893),  p.  108b.  See  also  Stade: 
ad.  Reden  u.  Abhandl.,  Giessen,  1899,  pp.  39  ff  ;  cf.  also 
'.inel  rrt?D  und  seine  Derivate  in  Z.  A.  T.,  1898,  pp.  1  ff. 
317:21ff;  18:5-9. 

4Cf.  Art.  "Messias"  in  Encycl.  Brit,  XVI;    Philipson: 
iltbewegende  Fragen,  Lpzg.,  1874,  vol.  I,  pp.  282  ff. 
5  Pseudepigraphe,  Edinb.,  1891,  introd.,  p.  6;  Miihsam:  D. 
lische  Sibylle,  Wien,  1864. 

'The  name  Solomon  did  not  occur  in  the  original  title 
the  Psalter.  But  as  the  Psalter  became  known  and  was 
ginning  to  be  used,  as  it  could  not  be  ascribed  to  David, 
I  thus  become  a  part  of  the  canonical  psalms,  it  was 
ribed  to  Solomon  and  reached  the  early  Christian  writ- 
under  that  designation.  Cf.  Dean:  Pseudepigrapha,  p. 

"a  17:23. 
9 


130         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

that  violence  and  oppression  were  forces  that  must  ulti- 
mately  exhaust  themselves  and  that  under  the  guid 
ance  of  JHVH  things  were  working  toward  that  end 
For  the  knowledge  of  JHVH  was  gradually  spreading 
over  the  world;  it  could  only  be  a  question  of  time  wher 
it  should  fill  every  corner  of  the  globe  and  light  up  it; 
dark  places.  To  despair  of  the  future  would  be  t< 
give  up  faith  in  JHVH  Himself. 

The  strong  belief  in  God  and  the  unshaken  confi 
dence  that  at  last  this  God,  the  God  of  Israel,  will  b 
the  God  of  the  whole  world,  is  the  belief  that  underlie 
Messianism  in  the  literature  of  the  Hebrews  and  th 
Jews.87  The  Messianic  idea  is  thus  bound  up  with  th 
belief  in  Israel's  providential  destiny,  and  is  the  bui 
den  of  the  thoughts  and  activities  of  the  prophets  i: 
pre-exilic  as  well  as  in  post-exilic  times.38  In  the  uni 
versa!  teachings  of  the  prophets,  the  coming  of  th 
Messiah  is  not  a  time,  but,  rather,  a  condition  in  th 
affairs  of  mankind.  That  kingdom  was  to  consist  o 
a  regenerated  nation;  a  community  in  which  the  Divir 

37  Cf.  Schechter:  Studies  in  Judaism,  Phila.,  1896,  p.  15] 
comp.  Mai.  2:10;  Zech.  14:9;  Zeph.  3:8,  9;  Micah  4:1-5;  Jo< 
3:11,  2;  Isa.  2:2-4;  45:23;  61:11;  66:18  ff. 

38 "  If  the  term  '  Messianic '  be  understood  to  refer  to  ge 
eral  hopes  of  temporal  salvation  for  the  Israelitish  peopl 
there  are,  undoubtedly,  Messianic  predictions  in  the  O.  ' 
Such  passages  as  Isa.  2:2-5;  Micah  4:1-4;  Isa.  chpts.  11,  4 
53,  60 ;  Zech.  9 : 9  and  chpt.  14  express  the  conviction  of  pioi 
men  that  the  religion  of  JHVH  would  become  the  religic 
of  the  world,  and  that  the  nation  would  be  rescued  from  i 
oppressors  and  dwell  in  its  own  land  in  peaceful  securit 
Other  passages  such  as  Isa.  chpts.  35  and  40-48  relate  to  tl 
return  of  the  exiles  "  (Prof.  Toy  in  Christian  Register,  Jui 
29,  1899).  Cf.  also  Stade:  Akad.  Reden  und  Abhandlunge 
Giessen,  1899,  pp.  57  ff. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         131 

ill  should  be  sedulously  fulfilled;  an  organized  society 
terpenetrated  and  welded  together,  and  shaped  to 
er  higher  issues  by  the  presence  of  God;  in  brief,  that 
ndition  of  world-wide  arbitration  among  nations 
len  the  instruments  of  war  shall  be  supplanted  by  the 
iplements  of  peace.  This  sentiment  is  most  beauti- 
lly  voiced  in  Isajah:  "* 

"  And  in  the  latter  days  the  mountain  of  JHVH'S  house 
11  be  established  as  the  highest  of  the  mountains,  and  will 
exalted   above   the   hills,   and   all   nations   will   stream 
it,  and  many  peoples  will  set  forth  and  say: 

Come  let  us  go  up  to  the  mountain  of  JHVH, 

To  the  house  of  the  God  of  Jacob, 

That  He  may  instruct  us  out  of  His  precepts, 

And  that  we  may  walk  in  his  paths; 

For  from  Zion  goes  forth  instruction, 

And  the  word  of  JHVH  from  Jerusalem. 

Then  will  He  judge  between  the  nations, 

And  give  decision  to  many  peoples: 

And  they  will  beat  their  swords  into  mattocks, 

And  their  spears  into  pruning-knives  ; 

Nation  will  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation, 

Neither  will  they  learn  war  any  more." 

Since  the  Messiah  formed  no  organic  part  of  the 

essianic  idea,  he  was  sometimes  conceived  as  present 

its  head,  sometimes  as  absent.40    Two  factors  were 

9Isa.  2:2-4  (post-exilic  Mess.  Appendix);  comp.  Micah 
1-4  (a  post-exilic  insertion)  ;  cf.  Cheyne's  crit.  notes  on 
i.  in  P.  B.  (Engl.  transl.),  p.  147,  1.  27;  Jost:  Gesch.  d. 
dent.,  vol.  I,  p.  309;  also  Talm.  Berachoth,  34b. 
°Cf.  Dalman:  Christentum  und  Judentum,  Lpzg.,  1898, 
.  11  ff;  cf.  Talmud  B.  Sanhedrin  98b,  where  Hillel  is 
oted  as  having  said  ^KT(H?  rvt?D  p«  "  Israel  has 
Messiah;  "  cf.  Rashi  ad  locum,  1»¥in  ^D*  iVn'p'n 


'rod  himself  will  reign,  He  alone  will  redeem  them." 


132         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

indispensable  to  its  realization;  it  must  be  a  commun 
ity  of  Israelites,  or  of  these  together  with  non-Israel 
ites,  and  it  must  be  a  community  in  which  the  will  o 
JHVH  is  the  paramount  law.  With  the  expansion  o 
the  horizon  of  human  thought,  the  prophets  empha 
size  more  and  more  strongly  the  moral  and  religion 
genius  of  their  expected  Messiah  as  the  head  of  th 
kingdom.  Ever  greater  and  grander  were  the  qualitie 
assigned  to  him  and  his  dominion  was  not  to  be  limite< 
to  Israel  alone,  but  took  on  more  and  more  clearly  th 
qualities  of  universal  world-wide  influence  and  power. 

That  the  conception  of  the  Messianic  kingdom  i 
as  early  as  the  seventh  century  may  be  deduced  froi 
the  writings  of  Amos  (c.  760  B.C.):41  "In  that  da 
will  I  raise  up  the  fallen  tabernacle  of  David,  and  clof 
up  the  breaches  thereof;  and  I  will  raise  up  his  ruin 
and  I  will  build  it  as  in  days  of  old.  .  .  .  And  I  wi 
bring  again  the  captivity  of  the  people  of  Israel,  an 
they  shall  build  the  waste  cities  and  inhabit  them.  ." 

Hosea  (c.  740  B.  C.)  too  refers  to  the  establishmei 
of  the  Messianic  kingdom: 43  "  Yet  the  number  of  tl 

41  Cf.  Hartung:  Der  Prophet  Amos,  Freiburg  i/B,  1898. 

42  9:11,  12.    Wellhausen,  Smend,  Cheyne  and  Nowalk  dou 
the  genuineness  of  passage,  considering  it  an  exilic  ad( 
tion.     So  Geiger  (Nachgel.  Schrift,  vol.  4,  p.  214)  and  G. 
Smith  (Twelve  Minor  Prophets,  p.  195),  Preuschen   (ZA 
vol.  15,  pp.  23  ff);   cf.  also  Schwally:   ZAT,  vol.  10,  p.  21 
The  opposite  view  is  defended  by  Cornill:   Einl.  3,  p.  18 
Driver:  Joel  and  Amos,  1897,  pp.  119-123. 

43  As  in  Amos  so  these  references  are  considered  as  lat 
additions,  but  I  consider  them,  as  the  passage  in  Amos,  ge 
uine;    cf.  Driver:    Introd.  to  O.  T.,  sixth  ed.,  p.  306;    al 
Marti:  Gesch.  d.  israel.  Rel.,  pp.  181  f. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         133 

hildren  of  Israel  shall  be  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  which 
annot  he  measured  or  numhered;  and  it  shall  he  that, 
i  the  place  where  it  was  said  to  them,  ye  are  not  my 
eople,  it  shall  he  said  to  them,  ye  are  the  sons  of  the 
.ving  God.  And  the  children  of  Judah  and  Israel  shall 
e  gathered  together.  .  .  " l  "And  the  children  of 
srael  shall  abide  many  days  without  a  King  .... 
fterward  shall  they  return  and  seek  the  Lord  their 
fod,  and  David  their  King." ' 

Isajah  (before  701  B.  C.)40  makes  reference  to  the 
ingdom  in  the  following  terms: 

'Therefore  this  is  the  oracle  of  the  Lord,  the  Hero  of 
Israel : 

Aha!  I  will  vent  my  displeasure  on  mine  adversaries,  and 
take  vengeance  on  mine  enemies; 

I  will  turn  my  hand  against  thee,  and  will  smelt  out  in 
the  furnace  thy  dross, 

I  will  bring  back  thy  judges  as  at  first,  and  thy  coun- 
selor as  at  the  beginning; 

Thereafter  thou  wilt  be  called  Citadel  of  Righteousness, 
Faithful  City." 

\rhat  follows  is  a  post-exilic  appendix: 4T 

'  Zion  will  be  set  free  through  judgment,  and  those  in  her 

who  have  turned  from  evil  through  righteousness; 
But  there  will  be  a  destruction  of  the  apostates     .     .     .    ' 

Nahum  (664-607  B.  C.),  too,  speaks  of  the  Messianic 
ungdom.  "The  day  of  JHVH"  and  the  establish- 

41 1:10,  11.  453:4,  5. 

40 1:24-26.  Cf.  Cheyne's  Engl.  transl.  of  Isajah  in  P.  B., 
.  42. 

47 1:27-28;  cf.  Cheyne's  Engl.  transl.  of  Isajah  in  P.  B., 
.  44. 


134:         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ment  of  the  Messianic  Kingdom  are  the  theme  of  chaj 
ters  1-2:  2.48 

Jeremiah  (626-586  B.  C).  living  in  the  midst  of  th 
storm  that  was  gathering,  saw  through  the  dark  an 
threatening  clouds  the  approach  of  the  kingdom.  H 
takes  a  broad  view  and  includes  among  those  who  wi 
benefit  by  its  coming  the  very  nations  that  have  bee 
hostile  to  Israel,  but  who  have  experienced  a  change  ( 
heart:  "  Thus  says  JHVH  against  all  mine  evil  neigl 
bors,  that  touch  the  inheritance  which  I  have  cause 
my  people  Israel  to  inherit:  Behold,  I  will  pluck  the] 
up  from  off  their  land,  and  will  pluck  up  the  house  c 
Judah  from  among  them.  And  it  shall  come  to  pas 
after  that  I  have  plucked  them  up  ...  I  will  brin 
them  again  every  man  to  his  heritage,  and  every  ma 
to  his  land."  40 

"  Behold,  the  days  come,  saith  JHVH,  that  I  will  rai 
unto  David  a  righteous  branch,  and  he  shall  reign  as  kn 
and  deal  wisely,  and  shall  execute  justice  and  righteousne 
in  the  land."  50 

Ezekiel  (593-571  B.  C.),  like  Jeremiah,  had  also  vi 
ions  of  the  breaking  of  the  new  morning : 

"Thus  says  the  Lord,  JHVH:  When  I  gather  the  Hou 
of  Israel  from  the  peoples  among  whom  they  are  scatters 
and  manifest  my  sanctity  through  them  in  the  sight  of  t 
nations,  then  shall  they  dwell  in  their  own  land  which 
gave  to  my  servant  Jacob."  51 

48  Cf.   Gunkel    (ZATW,  1893,  pp.  223  ff)    speaks  of  chp 
1-2:2  as  an  alphabetical  psalm;    Bickell:    Sitzungsbericl 
der  Kaiserl.  Akad.  der  Wiss.  in  Wien,  vol.  131,  v,  p.  1 
also  Nowack:  Die  kleinen  Propheten,  GSttingen,  1897,  p.  2; 

40Jer.  12:14,  15  (597  B.  C.). 

50Jer.  23:5  (596-586  B.  C.);  comp.  ibid.,  16:14,15  (596-£ 
B.  C.).  5128:25. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         135 

"  I  will  manifest  my  greatness  and  my  sanctity,  and  make 
lyself  known  to  many  nations;  they  shall  learn  that  I  am 
HVH."  52 

The  Servant  of  JITVH-cycle  idealizes  the  faithful  of 
srael,  through  whose  suffering  was  to  arise  the  great- 
st  blessing  not  only  for  Israel,  but,  ultimately,  the 
/hole  world  was  to  share  in  it: 
'  And  now  JHVH  says, — He  who  formed  me  from  the  womb 

to  be  a  servant  to  Him, 
That   I   might  bring  Jacob  back  to  Him,  that   Israel, — 

might  be  gathered;  — 
It  is  too  light  a  thing  to  raise  up  the  tribes  of  Jacob,  and 

to  restore  the  preserved  of  Israel; 

So  I  set  thee  as  a  light  of  the  nations;  that  my  deliver- 
ance may  be  the  end  of  the  earth."  M 

Also  in  Zechariah  (14:  9,  c.  300  B.  C.) 53a  we  read: 

"And  JHVH  shall  be  King  over  all  the  earth;  on  that 
lay  shall  JHVH  be  only  and  His  name  one."  M 

These  passages  indicate  that  the  establishment  of  the 
Vlessianic  kingdom  was  an  important  element  in  the 
•eligious  consciousness  of  the  spiritual  guides  of  the 
lation.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  during  periods  of 

52  38: 23. 

53  49 : 5,  6.    The  cycle  of  poetic  passages  ( 42 : 1-4 ;  49 : 1-6 ;  50 : 
1-9;  52:13-53:12)  of  the  Servant  of  JHVH  dates  from  about 
132  B.  C.;   cf.  Cheyne's  crit.  notes  to  Isa.  in  P.  B.   (Engl. 
.ransl.),  p.  209,  1.  20;  also  Toy:  Jud.  and  Christianity,  Bos- 
;on,  1892,  p.   225;    Montefiore:    Hibbert  Lectures,  1892,   pp. 
276  ff;  Duhm  (Nowack),  1892,  who  agrees  with  Cheyne  that 
:he  Servant  passages  are  of  independent  origin. 

53aCf.  Driver:  Introd.,  6th  ed.,  pp.  349  f. 

MComp.  Haggai  (520  B.  C.)  1:8;  2:6-9,  20-23;  Joel  (400 
B.  C.)  3:1,  2;  Ps.  86  (167  B.  C.) ;  Ps.  87  (500  B.  C.) ;  Ps,  65; 
J2  (post-exilic). 


136         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

prosperity  little  is  heard  of  a  Messianic  kingdom.  It 
is  in  times  of  storm  and  stress  that  the  hearts  of  the 
people  are  fired  with  new  faith  and  hope  in  a  coming 
Redeemer.65  The  Messianic  idea  of  the  prophets  was 
an  off-shoot  of  their  fervent  faith  in  divine  goodness. 
They  could  not  shut  their  eyes  to  the  prevalence  of 
injustice  and  of  oppression,  and  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  Pagan  nations  over  JHVH'S  own  people.  And  as 
the  relative  position  of  Israel  among  the  nations  be- 
came more  and  more  apparent,  and  the  impossibility 
of  gaining  any  lasting  political  supremacy  grew  more 
certain,  the  belief  in  the  Messianic  age,  when  right- 
eousness and  true  religion  would  hold  undisputed  sway, 
came  more  prominently  into  the  foreground.  The  sad- 
der the  reality  the  brighter  the  future  seemed  to  the 
religious  enthusiast.56  When  Babylon  conquered  Ju- 
da?a67  political  independence  seemed  to  be  crushed  for- 
ever,67 yet  Jeremiah  saw  rising  in  his  visions  a  more 
glorious  Zion.58  Buffeted  by  every  nation,  oppressed 
by  her  own  rulers,  Israel  yearned  for  some  one  endowed 
by  JHVH  with  power  to  conquer  and  restore  the  for- 
mer prestige  of  Israel  among  the  nations,69  and  to  rule 

55  Cf.  Brinton  (Rels.  of  Primitive  Peoples,  N.  Y.,  1897,  p. 
128),  who  speaks  of  wonderful  mythical  cycles  concerning 
the  Deliverer  and  Savior  common  among  many  races. 

56  Cf.  Cheyne's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  of  Isaiah  in  P.  B.,  p.  199; 
Wellhausen  (Sketch  of  the  Hist,  of  Israel  and  Judah,  Lon- 
don, 1891,  p.  213),  where  he  states  "that  the  ancient  He- 
brews regarded  the  history  of  the  world  as  a  great  suit 
between  themselves  and  the  heathens." 

57  597,  586,  581  (B.  C.). 

MChpts.  30-33;   cf.  also  Giesebrecht:   D.  B.  Jeremia   (No- 
wack),  pp.  265  ff. 
69  Cf.  Talm.  Berachoth,  34b. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         137 

the  nations  as  the  representative  of  JHVH.60  This 
hope  was  strengthened  during  the  terrible  persecu- 
tions of  the  Maccabean  period.  Daniel,  carried  along 
by  the  wave  of  religious  enthusiasm,  dreams  of  a  king- 
dom to  be  realized  in  the  near  future.81  "  The  Book 
of  Daniel,"  states  Graetz,62  "with  its  mystical  revela- 
tions, was  undoubtedly  read  with  great  interest  by  the 
Assida3ans.  The  apocalyptic  form  which  gave  each  line 
a  peculiar  meaning,  and  reflected  the  present  condi- 
tions, lent  it  a  great  attraction.  Moreover,  it  solved 
the  problem  of  the  present  calamities,  and  showed  the 
object  of  the  horrible  persecutions;  these  were  in- 

00  There  were  many  pseudo-Messiahs  in  Jewish  history. 
About  135  C.  E.  arose  Bar-Kochba,  "  Son  of  the  Star,"  who 
was  welcomed  by  the  greatest  Rabbi  of  his  time,  Rabbi 
Akiba,  as  the  Messiah.  The  scattered  sons  of  Israel  were 
aroused  as  never  before,  and  the  first  great  Zionistic  move- 
ment of  Jewish  history  was  inaugurated.  Funds  were  col- 
lected, armies  raised,  and  a  widespread  revolt  set  on  foot  to 
restore  the  ancient  Zion.  Three  centuries  after  Bar-Kochba 
the  first  pseudo-Messiah  arose  in  Europe,  Moses  of  Crete. 
He  gathered  his  fellow-Jews  in  the  island  around  him  and 
proclaimed  himself  Messiah.  With  the  settling  of  the  dark 
ages  over  the  world,  the  Messiahs  became  more  frequent 
Now  it  is  David  Alroy,  or  Alrui  (1160  C.  E.)  in  the  East; 
again  it  is  Abraham  ben  Samuel  Abulafia  in  the  West  (Sara- 
gossa,  1284  C.  E.) ;  at  another  time  it  is  David  Reubeni  (Sol- 
omon Molcho)  at  Rome  (1528  C.  E.) ;  Isaac  Luria,  the  Kab- 
balist,  in  Egypt  (1569  C.  E.);  Sabbatai  Zevi,  who  declared 
his  Messiahship  in  Smyrna  in  1666.  The  last  of  the  pseudo- 
Messiahs  was  Jacob  Frank  (Jankiev  Lejbovicz),  who  died 
1791.  (For  Sabbatai  Zevi  cf.  Zangwill:  Dreamers  of  the 
Ghetto,  Phila.,  1898;  essay,  "Turkish  Messiah,"  also  art. 
"Shabbathai  Zevi."  J.  A.  O.  S.,  2:1-16;  for  Alroi  cf.  Bea- 
consfield's  romance,  David  Alroy. 

w  Jan.,  164  B.  C.  fl2  Cf .  Hist  of  the  Jews,  vol.  I,  p.  466. 


138         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

tended,  on  the  one  hand,  to  destroy  sin,  and  on  the 
other,  to  ennohle  believers.  It  was  evident  that  the 
duration  of  the  period  of  affliction  had  been  determined 
from  the  beginning,  and  this  very  duration,  too,  had  a 
secret  meaning.  The  worldly  kingdoms  would  dis- 
appear, and  at  the  end  of  this  time,  God's  kingdom, 
the  kingdom  of  the  holy  ones,  would  commence,  and 
those  who  had  died  or  had  been  slain  during  the  per- 
secutions •  would  awake  to  eternal  life."  Thus,  when 
Simon,w  the  brother  of  Judas  Maccabeus,  was  anointed 
King,  it  was  with  the  distinct  declaration,  that  he 
should  hold  authority  only  until  Elijah  should  return 
as  the  forerunner  of  that  Prince  of  the  House  of  David, 
who  should  assume  hereditary  rule. 

The  essential  element  of  the  Messianic  Kingdom  in 
the  Old  Testament  on  the  material  side,  was  the 
re-establishment  of  Israel's  national  independence, 
coupled  always  with  unalloyed  prosperity  and  well- 
being,  at  times,  also,  with  world-wide  dominion.64  On 
the  spiritual-ethical  side,  the  Messianic  conception  im- 
plied the  rule  of  righteousness  and  purity,  the  destruc- 
tion of  sin,  and  the  complete  triumph  of  the  Law. 
Idolatry  shall  cease,  and  war  will  be  no  longer  prac- 
ticed. The  new  order  of  things  will  also  extend  to  the 
animal  world.  "  Then  shall  the  wolf  and  the  lamb 
feed  together,  and  the  lion  eat  straw  like  the  ox." ' 
The  shaping  of  the  Messianic  conception  was  the  result 
of  the  political  conditions  that  obtained.  In  periods 
of  persecution,  the  Messianic  age  was  looked  forward 
to  as  a  time  of  peace  and  freedom;  in  time  of  war  and 

63 142-135  B.  C. 

04Isa.  11:11,  12  (post-exilic);  cf.  ibid.,  27:13  (334  B.  C.). 

l*Isa,  65:25a   (450  B.  C.). 


MESSLOUSM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT        139 

bloodshed  it  represented  an  era  of  human  love  and 
universal  brotherhood.  Thus  the  older  prophets  hoped 
simply  for  deliverance  from  Assyria  and  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  existing  political  state.08  During  the 
bitter  days  of  exile,  the  kingdom  was  to  be  ushered  in 
by  "  the  Day  of  JHVH,"  and  Israel  was  to  emerge  re- 
generated.67 Jeremiah  makes  repentance  a  condition 
of  the  restoration  of  Israel  to  its  political  independence. 
The  change  of  heart,  which  follows  sincere  repentance, 
will  cause  every  member  of  the  nation  to  return  to 
JHVH  and  to  obey  Him:  "  I  will  give  them  a  heart  to 
know  me,  that  I  am  JHVH,  and  they  shall  be  my 
people,  and  I  will  be  their  God;  for  they  shall  return 
to  me  with  their  whole  heart."  ( 

Ezekiel,  too,  traces  the  woes  that  had  overtaken  the 
nation  to  their  wilful  disobedience  of  JHVH'S  laws : 

"  I  will  gather  them  from  the  nations,  and  assemble  them 
from  the  lands  whither  I  scattered  them  .  .  .  and  1 
will  give  them  a  new  heart,  and  put  a  new  spirit"9  within 
them;  I  will  take  away  the  heart  of  stone  out  of  their 
bosom,  and  give  them  a  heart  of  flesh,  that  they  may  fol- 
low my  statutes,  and  keep  my  ordinances  and  do  them."  70 

60Isa.  14:24-27  (711  B.  C.). 

67  Of.  Charles:  A  Grit.  Hist,  of  the  Doctrines  of  a  Future 
Life,  p.  101. 

B924:7  (597  B.  C.);  comp.  31:33,  34;  Cornill's  ed.  of  Hebr. 
text  (P.  B.)  considers  passage  later  than  586  B.  C.;  Giesc- 
brecht:  D.  B.  Jeremia  (Hdkt.  Nowack)  ascribes  passage  to 
Baruch. 

(JOCf.  Toy's  critical  notes  on  Ez.  (Bngl.  transl.  P.  B.)  ex- 
plains "  the  new  spirit "  not  regeneration  in  the  modern 
sense,  but  a  general  disposition  to  obey  the  Law  of  God,  espe- 
cially to  avoid  idolatry. 

70 11: 17-21;  ibid.,  36:25-28;  cf.  also  Kent:  "The  Growth  of 
Israelitish  Law,"  in  Bibl.  and  Semitic  Studies,  Bicentennial 
Publications  (Yale),  N.  Y.,  1901,  p.  78. 


140         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

Haggai  and  Zechariah,  the  prophets  of  the  Return/1 
sinking  down  from  the  pictures  of  glory  to  the  stern 
realities  of  the  present,  confine  themselves  to  the  task 
before  them,  i.  e.  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple,  and  the 
securing  of  a  livelihood  in  a  land  that  had  been  devas- 
tated by  famine.72  The  reality  seemed  hard,  for  they 
were  led  to  believe  that  Persia  was  falling  to  pieces 
and  that  JHVH  had  sent  Zerubbabel  as  the  Messiah. 
But  Persia's  power  did  not  wane,  and  the  political  inde- 
pendence of  the  Israelitic  nation  remained  a  dream.78 

The  advent  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 74  fixed  attention 
on  the  legal  religious  organization  of  the  people,75  and 
for  the  moment,  there  was  no  inducement  to  indulge 
in  visions  of  future  glory.  Yet  even  now  the  hope  in  a 
Messianic  age  had  not  died  out.  For  in  a  letter  Nehe- 
miah  receives  from  Sanballat  he  is  accused  of  being 
disloyal  to  Persia  and  of  being  desirous  to  be  the  King 
of  the  Jews: 

"  Then  Sanballat  sent  his  servant  unto  me  in  like  man- 
ner the  fifth  time  with  an  open  letter  in  his  hand,  wherein 

71  Koster  publ.  in  1893  his  theory,  which  upsets  all  former 
traditions.  He  asserts  that  the  return  of  the  exiles  under 
Cyrus  was  an  invention  for  some  purpose.  Also  the  rebuild- 
ing of  the  Temple  was  not  the  work  of  the  exiles,  but  of 
those  who  had  remained  behind  and  had  never  been  in 
Babylon  (cf.  Meyer:  Die  Bntstehung  d.  Judenthums,  Halle, 
1896,  Einl.).  Wellhausen  combats  Roster's  theories  in  "  Die 
Riickkehr  d.  Juden  aus  d.  babyl.  Exil."  in  Nachrichten  d. 
Gott.  Ges.  Phil.  hist.  Cl.,  1895,  pp.  166  ff;  vide  Roster's  reply 
in  Theol.  Tijdschrift,  XXIX,  1895,  pp.  549  ff. 

72Zech.  7:14;  8:9. 

73  Cf.  V,  n.  28. 

74  Roster  dates  Ezra's  return  432  B.  C. 

75  Oct.,  444  B.  C.,  the  P.  C.  was  adapted  and  became  a  part 
of  the  Law. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         141 

was  written:  It  is  reported  among  the  nations,  and  Gashmu 
said  it,  that  thou  and  the  Jews  think  to  rebel;  for  which 
cause  thou  art  building  the  wall;  and  thou  wouldst  be  their 
king."  78 

Eduard  Meyer  believes"  that  Nehemiah  is  wrong 
when  he  states,'8  the  accusations  brought  against  him 
and  his  people  at  the  Persian  court,  were  for  the 
purpose  of  goading  them  on  to  open  rebellion.  Meyer 
is  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  the  work  of  harmless  fa- 
natics who  did  not  stop  to  think  what  the  consequences 
of  their  action  might  be. 

The  feeling  of  solidarity  that  made  itself  felt  in  the 
writings  of  Nahum  and  Habakkuk,  but  especially  in 
Ezekiel,  reappears  in  intensified  form  in  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah.79  While  Jeremiah  and  Deutero-Isaiah  fore- 
told the  incorporation  of  the  Gentiles  into  the  Messi- 
anic kingdom,  the  prophets  that  follow  them,  classing 
Micah  as  post-exilic  but  holding  the  more  catholic  view, 
speak  of  the  destiny  of  the  Gentiles  as  being  one  of 
subjection  and  final  annihilation. 

Where  a  religion  is  confined,  solely,  to  one  nation, 
as  in  the  case  of  Judaism,  the  purport  of  the  estab- 
lishment and  course  of  the  world  is  found  in  the  aims 
of  that  peculiar  nation,  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  hopes 
of  a  glorious  future  and  of  external  might  added  to 
internal  prosperity  and  welfare.  All  this  came  into 
severe  collision,  in  the  instance  of  the  Jewish  people, 

70Neh.  6:5,  6  (425  B.  C.);  cf.  Guthe's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  in 
P.  B.,  p.  14. 

77  D.  Entstehung  d.  Judenthums,  Halle,  1896,  p.  242. 

78  6: 14. 

79  Ezra  9:10;  Neh.  9:2;  13:1-3;  cf.  also  Herzfeld:  Gesch.  d. 
V.  Jisrael,  vol.  I,  p.  32;   Wellhausen:    Israelit.  u.  Jiidische 
Gesch.,  4th  ed.,  p.  178. 


142         MESSIANTSM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

with  the  stern  facts  of  reality.  Instead  of  triumphing 
over  their  enemies,  they  were  triumphed  over  by  them. 
Yet,  side  by  side  with  the  spirit  of  solidarity  which 
some  of  the  prophets  sought  to  strengthen,  one  discerns 
a  growing  sympathy  with  the  affairs  of  the  world 
beyond  the  borders  of  Judsea.  From  the  time  of  the 
exile,  when  the  Jews  came  into  contact  with  the  civili- 
zations of  Babylonia  and  Persia,  they  seemed  to  have 
modified  their  views  as  to  the  religions  of  those  peo- 
ples. Then,  as  the  world  grew  apace,  so  also  did  the 
conception  of  JHVH.  The  future  kingdom  was  to  in- 
clude not  only  JHVH'S  chosen  people  but,  at  the  same 
time,  all  the  nations;  it  was  to  be  a  world  monarchy 
and  JHVH  was  to  be  its  Ruler. 

"  Sing  praises  to  God,  sing  praises, 
Sing  praises  to  our  King,  sing  praises, 
For  King  of  the  whole  world  is  God. 

God  has  begun  His  reign  over  the  heathen, 
He  has  taken  His  seat  on  His  holy  throne. 
Men,  of  their  own  free  will,  from  the  peoples,  join  the 

people  of  Abraham's  God. 
For  to  God,  our  Shield,  belongs  the  world;  He  is  exalted 

on  high."  80 

Under  this  ever  broadening  outlook  the  individual 
began  to  see  that  his  fate  was  no  longer  inexorably 

80  Ps.  47:6-9  (516  B.  C.);  cf.  Wellhausen  (crit.  notes  on 
Psalms,  Engl.  transl.  P.  B.,  to  47,  p.  148) :  "The  conversions 
to  Judaism,  which  became  much  more  numerous  after  Alex- 
ander the  Great,  gave  rise  to  this  lofty  Messianic  hope;  they 
signalized  the  beginning  of  JHVH'S  universal  rule.  The 
remarkable  spread  of  Judaism  among  the  heathen  at  that 
time  was  undoubtedly  a  significant  fact;  it  arose  out  of  the 
Messianic  hope,  to  which,  in  turn,  it  gave  fresh  vigor." 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         143 

xnind  up  with  the  fate  of  the  nation;  JHVH  re- 
garded all  peoples  and  nations,  and  He  watched  over 
rim  too.  In  brief,  he  was  a  distinct  personality.80* 
This  conception  is  apparent  in  the  Khokma  litera- 
ture, as  well  as  in  the  Psalms,  where  the  community 
gradually  retreats  behind  the  individual,  and  the  "  I  " 
stands  for  the  "  we."  { 

Concurrently  with  the  growth  and  development  of 
the  Messianic  hope  in  the  national  consciousness,  the 
claims  of  the  individual  forced  itself  irresistibly  upon 
the  notice  of  the  religious  thinkers,  so  that  no  repre- 
sentative of  the  future  could  look  for  general  accept- 
ance and  approval  that  failed  to  render  them  adequate 
satisfaction.  There  were  people  who  held  the  faith 
in  a  coming  age,  who  cherished  it  and  looked  forward 
to  its  realization  in  their  own  day,  but  who  were  dying 
one  after  another  without  having  seen  it  and  profited 
by  it.  This  did  not  seem  wholly  just.  Those  who  be- 
lieved it,  and  strove  for  it  by  being  faithful  to  JHVH, 
ought  to  participate  in  the  glory  at  its  coming.  Here 
is  the  germ  of  the  conception  of  the  Eesurrection  of 
those  who  were  just  and  pious.  By  and  by  it  led  to  the 
idea  that  the  righteous  who  died  are  really  not  quite 
dead,  that  they  are  leading  a  shadowy  existence  in 
Sheol.82  Later,  this  view  was  enlarged  to  include  the 
wicked  and  godless.  They,  too,  dwelled  in  Sheol, 
they,  too,  were  to  be  raised,  and  behold  the  triumph 


Ehni:    "  Ursprung   u.   Entwickelung   d.    Religion," 
Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1898,  p.  636. 

81  Chpt.  IV,  n.  92a. 

82  Dan.  12:2,  3;  Enoch  XXII  (cf.  Beer's  transl.  of  Enoch  in 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II). 


144         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

of  the  righteous — this  would  be  their  punishment,  then 
they  would  be  returned  to  their  shadowy  abode.83 

In  Daniel  the  Messianic  age  and  the  Eesurrection 
synchronize  with  each  other : 83a 

"  And  many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth 
shall  awake,  some  to  everlasting  life,  and  some  to  shame 
and  everlasting  contempt.  But  the  wise  shall  shine  as  the 
brightness  of  the  firmament,  and  they  that  led  many  to 
righteousness  as  the  stars  for  ever  and  ever."  84 

According  to  Daniel  all  the  pious  will  share  in  the 
glories  of  the  kingdom,  and  he  who  is  seized  by  death 
before  its  coming,  may  hope  that  one  day  he  will  be 
raised  up  and  transplanted  to  the  kingdom.  The  ob- 
ject of  the  resurrection  is  participation  in  the  king- 
dom, and  the  basis  of  that  faith  is  the  ever  more  pow- 
erfully developing  interest  in  salvation.  This  expecta- 
tion of  a  personal  share,  by  means  of  a  bodily  revival, 
in  the  Messianic  age,84a  gave  the  Messianic  hope  itself 

83  Enoch  LXIIIilO;  XCIX:11;  CIII:7ff;  cf.  also  Harnack: 
What  is  Christianity?  p.  143. 

83aCf.  Montefiore:  Hibbert  Lectures,  1892,  p.  457;  also 
Geiger  (Lesestiicke  aus  d.  Mischnah,  Breslau,  1845,  p.  43), 
who  states  that  in  Mishnah  the  time  of  resurrection  and 
Messianic  age  are  identical.  Einhorn  (Sinai,  Balto.,  vol. 
VII,  1862,  Judenthum  u.  Christenthum)  combats  Geiger's 
view  by  citing  Talmud  Sebachim  118b  and  Niddah  61b, 
where  a  sharp  distinction  is  made  between  the  two.  Later 
under  the  influence  of  Christianity  resurrection  and  Mes- 
sianic age  were  identical.  S4  Dan.  12:2,  3  (164  B.  C.). 

84a  In  the  Apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament  (vide 
Kautzsch:  Apokryphen  und  Pseudepigraphen,  vol.  I,  Einl.; 
also  Hamburger:  Real  Encycl.,  vol.  II,  pp.  66  ff,  article 
"Apokryphen;  "  also  Konig:  Einl.  in  das  A.  T.,  Bonn,  1893, 
pp.  466  ff )  the  Messianic  hope  cannot,  by  reason  of  the  his- 
torical or  didactic  nature  of  these  books,  be  brought  promi- 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         145 

idded  vitality.  "  Indeed,"  says  Montefiore,  "  the  hope 
•f  a  personal  resurrection  naturally  becomes  even  more 
>owerful  as  a  motive  of  religious  action,  than  the 
e-establishment  of  the  national  kingdom." ' 

The  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  accentuated  the 
>elief  in  individual  resurrection.  The  confidence  in 
livine  justice  that  rewards  virtue  in  this  world  and 
loes  not  forsake  him  who  abides  by  the  Law,  was 
haken  to  its  depths  by  the  daily  experience  that 
howed  the  pious  and  the  righteous  as  victims  of  An- 
iochus's  wrath.  These  martyrs  sealed  their  faith  in 
FHVH  by  giving  up  their  lives.  Such  faith  must 
urely  be  rewarded.  Divine  justice  must  extend  its 
way  beyond  the  limits  of  this  life;  this  is  the  only 
olution  of  the  vexed  problem.  Daniel,  written  in  the 
rery  throes  of  the  Maccabean  struggle,  reflects  the 
;entiment  of  his  day  when  he  makes  "  retribution  at 
;ome  future  time  "  the  watchword  that  is  to  inspire 

lently  forward  (cf.  Oehler  in  Herzog's  Real  Encycl.,  vol.  IX, 
econd  ed.,  pp.  653  ff).  But  it  is  by  no  means  absent  from 
hem.  In  Ecclesiasticus  all  the  essential  elements  of  the 
>lder  Messianic  hope,  the  expectation  of  penal  judgment 
tpon  the  heathen  world  (32:18,  19;  33:1),  and  Israel's  deliv- 
erance from  oppression  (1:24),  and  the  ingathering  of  the 
lispersed  (33:11),  are  mentioned.  Similarly  in  some  of  the 
>ther  Apocryphal  books,  as  in  Judith  16:17;  2  Mace.  2:18; 
Tobit  3:12-18.  In  the  "Wisdom  of  Solomon,"  which  is  per- 
neated  with  Hellenic  speculation,  the  national  element  is 
ost  sight  of.  By  reason  of  his  Platonic  leaning  the  author 
>f  the  book  cannot  imagine  true  happiness  for  the  soul  till 
ifter  death  (3:8;  5:1).  Cf.  Volkmar:  Hdbch.  d.  Einl.  in  die 
Vpokryphen,  vol.  II,  Tubingen,  1863;  cf.  Freudenthal:  Die 
<"lavius  Josephus  beigelegte  Schrift.  Das  sog.  IV  Makkabiier- 
>uch,  Breslau,  1869. 
85  Hibbert  Lectures,  1892,  p.  456. 
10 


146         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

the  faithful  not  only  to  live  but  also  to  die.86  The 
martyrdom  of  the  faithful  is  repeatedly  referred  to  in 
Daniel  and  in  the  Second  Book  of  the  Maccabees.87 
The  men  and  women  who  so  cheerfully  laid  their 
lives  upon  the  altar  of  JHVH'S  religion,  should  they 
abide  forever  in  Sheol?  No,  they  will  arise  and  re- 
joice in  the  glories  of  JHVH  that  He  prepares  for 
those  who  are  His  faithful  followers. 

The  Book  of  Daniel  became  the  initiator  of  that 
class  of  literature  known  as  Apocalyptic  which  nour- 
ished from  about  160  B.  C.  to  140  C.  E.  The  begin- 
ning of  this  period  corresponds  with  the  Maccabean 
uprising  and  with  the  growth  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Resurrection.  The  end  of  the  period  fell  after  the 
horrors  of  the  conflict  with  Rome — a  conflict  that  did 
not  end  with  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  but  which  burst 
forth  again  in  the  wars  against  Trajan  and  Hadrian. 
This  literature  exercised  an  influence  upon  the  religi- 
ous thought  both  of  Judaism  and  of  Christianity.88 

The  association  of  the  advent  of  the  Messiah  with 
the  promise  of  reward  and  punishment  is  the  limit 
the  doctrine  attained  within  the  Old  Testament.  In 
the  Book  of  Daniel  the  hope  is  crystallized  into  an 
assurance  of  resurrection,  its  ideal  of  the  future  is  the 

80  3: 8-13,  17,  18;  cf.  Piirst:  Gesch.  d.  Karaerthums,  Lpzg., 
18G2,  p.  7. 

S7G:18ff;  7:lff. 

88  Cf.  Hilgenfeld:  Die  jtid.  Apokalyptic,  Jena,  1857;  Deane: 
Pseudepigrapha,  Edinb.,  1891,  Introd.;  Buttenwieser:  Apoca- 
lyptic Lit.  in  Jewish  Encycl.,  vol.  I,  pp.  675  ff;  Steinschnei- 
der  in  Z.  D.  M.  G.  28:627ff;  29:162ff;  Wellhausen:  Skizzen, 
etc.,  Pt.  VI,  1899,  pp.  226  ff;  Smend:  Ueber  d.  jiid.  Apokalyp- 
tik  in  ZATW,  1885,  pp.  221-251;  Charles:  "  Eschatology  "  in 
Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl.,  vol.  II;  Torrey:  "Apocalypse"  in 
Jewish  Encycl.,  vol.  I,  pp.  671  ff. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         147 

Messianic  kingdom  which  is  to  be  established  here  on 
earth,  after  the  Greek  era  shall  have  passed  away. 

Jn  the  Ezra-  Apocalypse  8%  a  fuller  development  of 
the  eschatological  conception  is  found;  and  in  the 
Baruch  Apocalypse  89  the  general  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  judgment  of  all  souls,  Paradise  and  Gehenna, 
are  taught.89*  The  re-establishment  of  the  nation  as 
politically  independent  is  no  longer  the  goal;  it  has 
been  made  a  side-issue,  a  passing  incident  in  the  activ- 
ities of  the  Messiah,  who  is  to  prepare  an  era  of  peace 
and  of  prosperity  for  the  pious  Jews.  At  the  end  of 
that  new  era  the  Messiah  dies  and  with  him  his  gene- 
ration ceases  to  be.  Then  will  be  "the  end  of  time/' 
with  resurrection  for  all,  the  great  Day  of  Judgment, 
and  the  division  of  the  world  into  Heaven  and  Hell.90 
That  hour  will  be  marked  by  an  overthrow  of  the  exist- 
ing order  of  things  —  the  new  regime  to  be  ushered  in 
by  "  The  Day  of  JHVH."  The  end  of  time  (D  wi  nnn«) 


Ezra  7:28,  78-99;  7:43;  cf.  Gunkel's  transl.  in 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  Einl. 

80  81-96;  cf.  Montefiore  (some  notes  on  4th  Bk.  of  Ezra  in 
Jewish  Chronicle,  London,  Nov.  29,  1901),  who  claims  that 
the  first  two  and  the  last  two  chpts.  are  probably  of  Chris- 
tian origin. 

8aaHarnack  (What  is  Christianity?  p.  142)  states  that, 
"  though  the  Messianic  doctrines  prevalent  in  the  Jewish 
nation  in  Jesus'  day  were  not  a  positive  dogma,  they  formed 
an  essential  element  of  the  hopes,  religious  and  political, 
which  the  nation  entertained  for  the  future."  Cf.  also 
Zunz:  D.  gottesd.  Vortriige,  second  ed.,  1892,  pp.  379  ff; 
Hirsch:  D.  ReligionsphiL,  p.  627;  Wohlgemuth:  D.  Unster- 
blichkeit  i.  d.  Bibel,  Berl.,  1900,  3d  chpt. 

90  Cf.  Wellhausen:  Skizzen,  etc.,  Pt.  VI,  pp.  230  ff;  cf.  also 
IV  Ezra,  chpts.  3-9  :  25  in  Gunkel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u. 
P.,  vol.  II. 


148         MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

will  be  heralded  by  great  and  wonderful  portents  and 
convulsions  of  nature,  and  by  the  appearance  of  signs 
on  earth  and  in  the  sky.91 

The  most  complete  eschatological  ideas,  current  dur- 
ing the  transition  period  from  the  Old  to  the  New  Tes- 
tament,, showing  close  kinship  with  the  spirit  of  the 
New  Testament  and  the  Talmud,  are  in  the  pre-Chris- 
tian Apocalypse  Enoch.92  Here,  the  practical  applica- 
tion of  the  belief  in  a  future  state  becomes  the  motive 
for  conduct.93  Angels,  and  Satan  with  his  satellites, 
Paradise  and  Gehenna  with  the  status  intermedius,93* 
the  everlasting  kingdom  of  bliss,  the  latter  offset  b_y 
the  everlasting  torments  of  hell  in  store  for  the  wicked ; 
Jerusalem  the  centre  of  the  Messianic  glories;  the  du- 
ration of  the  kingdom  and  Judgment-day — all  these 
find  discussion  in  Enoch.94 

The  date  of  the  Apocalypse  is  generally  conceded  to 
be  pre-Christian."5  The  language  was  originally  He- 

yiIV  Ezra  5:1-13;  6:18-28;  comp.  Isa.  24;  Zeph.  1:15; 
Zech.  14. 

92  (70-60  B.  C.);  cf.  Beer's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P., 
vol.  II,  p.  233;  Deane:  Pseudepigrapha,  pp.  15  ft'. 

93  Enoch  91:1-11  (Beer's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol. 
II). 

"3aCf.  Enoch  10:12;  100:5;  IV  Ezra  7:75,  80. 

94  Cf.  Beer's  transl.  of  Enoch  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol. 
II,  pp.  220  f. 

95  Cf.    Gelbhaus    (D.    Apologetik   d.   Judent.,   Wien,   1896) 
favors  160  B.  C.  and  Palestine  as  the  place  where  it  was 
written;  Weber  (Open  Court,  Chicago,  April,  1899),  125  B.  C.; 
Dillmann  (in  Herzog's  Real  Encycl.,  2d  ed.,  XII,  pp.  351  ff), 
64  B.  C.;  Cheyne  (Bampton  Lectures,  p.  412)  says:  "In  the 
main   Enoch   is   of  pre-Christian  origin,  though  there  are 
some  interpolations  by  Christian  hands;  "  Marti   (Israelit. 
Rel.  Lehre,  p.  271),  end  of  first  pre-Christian  century;  Toy 
(Quotations  in  N.  T.),  130  B.  C. 


MESSIANISM  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT         149 

brew  or  Aramaic.96    Few  believe  that  the  language  was 
Greek.87 

The  book  has  come  down  to  us  in  an  Ethiopic  trans- 
lation made  from  a  Greek  translation  extant  in  Egypt 
during  the  first  Christian  century.98  In  the  New  Testa- 
ment quotations  from  the  Ethiopic  translations  are 
found.99  The  Apocalyse  was  held  in  much  esteem  by 
the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  especially  by  Tertullian.100 

96  Cf.  Dean:  Pseudepigrapha,  pp.  75  ff;  Beer's  Binl.  to 
Enoch  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  p.  17;  Levi:  Revue  des 
etudes  juives,.  XXVI  (1893),  p.  149. 

07  Cf.  Volkraar:  Z.  D.  M.  G.,  pp.  131  ff;  Philippi:  D.  B. 
Henoch,  1868,  pp.  124  ff;  Dietrich:  D.  B.  Henoch  Nekyia,  p. 
216. 

9*  Cf.  Beer's  Einl.  to  Henoch  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II, 
p.  218;  Hallevi:  Journal  Asiatique,  1867,  pp.  352-395;  Dill- 
mann  in  Sitzungsber.  der  Akad.  d.  Wissenschaft  z.  Berlin, 
1892,  pp.  1039  ff ;  Konig:  Einl.  in  d.  A.  T.,  1893,  p.  494;  Bouri- 
ant  in  "  Memoires  publiee  par  les  membres  de  la  mission 
archeologique  franchise  au  Cairo,  vol.  IX,  1892  (Lods) ; 
Schodde:  The  Bk.  of  Enoch,  Andover,  1882;  Charles:  The 
Bk.  of  Enoch,  London,  1893;  A.  Geiger:  "  Einige  Worte  liber 
d.  B.  H."  in  Jiidische  Ztsch.,  1864-65,  Breslau. 

99 Cf.  Beer's:  Einl.  to  Henoch  in  Kautzsch's  A  u.  P.,  vol. 
II,  p.  218. 

100  Cf.  Zahn:  Gesch.  d.  neutest.  Kanons,  1888,  vol.  I,  p.  122. 


CHAPTER  VII 
RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

The  doctrine  of  Resurrection  is  a  genuine  product 
of  Jewish  genius,  its  factors  are  indigenous  to  Jewish 
thought.  The  way  was  prepared  for  it  in  the  inde- 
pendent and  concurrent  eschatologies  of  the  nation 
and  of  the  individual,  the  synthesis  of  which  could 
not  admit  of  any  other  resurrection,  save  that  of  the 
pious.1 

Many  have  held  as  an  undisputed  fact  that  post- 
exilic  Judaism  owes  its  most  characteristic  elements  to 
foreign  sources.  Recent  developments  have  shown 
that  similarity  of  usage  and  custom  among  peoples 
does  not  necessarily  imply  that  one  has  borrowed  from 
the  other,  hut  that  both  may  have  drawn  from  the 
same  common  source.  Thus,  the  similarity  that  is 
urged  to  exist  between  Judaism  and  Mazdeism  is  due 
to  a  common  origin — the  Religion  of  Chaldee."  That 
the  later  eschatology  of  the  Old  Testament  shows 
traces  of  Persian  and  Greek  influence  is  well  nigh  es- 
tablished. But  it  has  been  the  fashion  to  exaggerate 

xDan.  12:2,  3. 

2Cf.  Ed.  Meyer:  D.  Entstehung  d.  Judenthums,  Halle, 
1896,  p.  239,  note;  also  Tiele:  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  im  Altertum, 
Gotha,  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  365;  cf.  Budde:  D.  A.  T.  u.  d.  Aus- 
grabungen,  Giessen,  1902,  in  which  Budde  protests  against 
the  current  tendency  to  trace  the  rel.  development  of  Israel 
entirely  to  Babylonian  influences. 


152       KESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

this  influence  and  make  the  Old  Testament  eschatology 
a  copy  of  that  of  Persia  and  Greece.3  Gunkel  believes 
that  resurrection  is  foreign  to  the  Old  Testament,  nor 
could  it  have  risen  from  the  eschatology  of  prophet 
or  psalmist.  The  prophets,  he  claims,  preached  a  fu- 
ture for  the  nation,  not  for  the  individual,  and  the 
psalmists  believed  in  a  God  who  could  only  be  glorified 
and  praised  in  the  land  of  the  living.  But  in  Daniel 
we  meet  with  a  belief  that  is  complete.4  This  view  of 
Gunkel  is  extreme.  Granted  that  before  Daniel 5  indi- 

3  Greek  thought  influenced  Judaism  greatly  in  Alexandria, 
which  adopted  the  Platonic  doctrine  of  the  immortality  of 
the  soul.  The  Jews  in  Palestine  under  the  influence  of  Per- 
sian thought  accepted  the  teaching  of  Zoroaster  of  the  resur- 
rection of  the  body  and  a  judgment  after  death. 

4Cf.  Gunkel:  Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  p.  291,  n.  2;  Mills: 
"Zoroaster  and  the  Bible"  in  19th  century,  Jan.,  1894; 
Laing:  A  Modern  Zoroastrian,  London,  1893,  8th  ed.,  chpt. 
13;  Hang:  Essays  on  the  Sacred  Languages  of  the  Parsees, 
London,  1884,  pp.  310  ff. 

5  (164  B.  C.)  The  traditional  view  of  the  date  is  the  time 
of  Nebuchadnezzar.  Josephus  (Antiq.,  XI: 8)  makes  the  un- 
historical  statement  that  Jaddua  showed  Alexander  the  pre- 
diction of  his  world-conquests.  Keil  (Daniel,  Edinburgh, 
1872)  makes  Daniel  a  contemporary  of  Ezekiel,  referring 
to  Ez.  14:20;  28:3.  Noldeke  (Die  Semitische  Sprachen, 
Lpzg.,  1887,  p.  21)  places  the  date  166  or  167  B.  C.  Herzfeld 
(Gesch.  d.  Volkes  Jisrael,  vol.  I,  Lpzg.,  1863,  p.  416),  before 

164  B.  C.     Kautzsch  (Die  Heilige  Schrift  d.  A.  T.),  end  of 

165  or  beginning  of  164  B.  C.     Knobel   (Der  Prophetismus 
der  Hebraer,  Breslau,  1837,  vol.  II,  p.  406)  favors  163  B.  C. 
Karpeles    (Gesch.  d.  jiidischen  Lit.,  Berl.,  1886,  pp.  126  ff ) 
argues  for  176-168  B.  C.     Steinthal  (Zu  Bibel  und  Religions- 
phil.,  Berl.,  1895,  p.  166)  asserts  that  the  author  of  Daniel 
knew  nothing  of  the  Maccabean  uprising;  he  places  the  book 


KESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       153 

dual  resurrection  was  unknown  to  the  Hebrews/  how 
>uld  the  idea  find  its  complete  expression  in  Daniel, 
iless  it  had  been  matured  before  in  the  religious 
msciousness  of  the  people  ?  Such  conceptions  are  of 
)w  growth,  for  nations  are  conservative  in  matters 
tat  touch  the  fondest  hopes.  The  real  beginning 
'  eschatology  in  the  Old  Testament  is  not  before  the 
;ile,  not  during  the  exile,  but  must  be  looked  for  in 
ie  centuries  that  follow  the  return,  when  the  proph- 
ies  that  foretold  the  re-establishment  of  the  Davidic 
ouse  were  not  realized,  and  for  two  centuries  blow 
id  followed  blow.  From  the  awful  days  of  Antiochus 
ie  nation  never  had  any  rest,  and  the  woe  that  fol- 
wed  the  destruction  of  the  Second  Commonwealth 
0  C.  E.)  and  the  final  expatriation  of  the  people 
nphasized  still  more  the  hope  of  a  future  reward. 
Distinct  references  to  resurrection  are  found  before 
ie  time  of  Daniel.  The  references  in  Ezekiel  and  in 
aiah  point  to  a  national  resuscitation: "a 

tween  200-164  B.  C.  Terry  (Biblical  Apocalyptics,  N.  Y., 
98,  p.  183)  favors  the  Maccabean  time.  Cf.  Wildeboer: 
t.  d.  A.  T.,  GSttingen,  1895,  §27;  also  Behrmann:  Das  B. 
iniel,  Gottingen,  1894;  Kamphausen:  Das  B.  Daniel  und 
e  neuere  Geschichtsforschung,  Lpzg.,  1893. 
8  Ib'n  Esra,  as  well  as  Hitzig,  interpret  Dan.  12 : 2,  3  to 
fer  to  national  resurrection.  Schwally  (D.  Leben  nach 
m  Tode,  p.  135)  thinks  that  it  refers  to  the  martyrs  who 
id  died  for  their  religion  during  the  persecutions  of  Antio- 
ius.  Cheyne  (Bampton  Lectures,  1889,  p.  406)  states: 
Not  for  all  men — only  for  the  chosen  nation,  for  there  is 
»  natural  immortality." 

°aCf.  Prof.  Toy's  critical  notes  on  Ez.  (Engl.  transl.)  in 
B.,  note  5,  p.  171  (Ez.  37:1-14);  cf.  Talm.  Sanliedrin  92b. 


OF  THE 


154       RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

"  Thy  dead  shall  arise;    the  inhabitants  of  the  dust  sha 

awake,  and  shout  for  joy; 

For  a  dew  of  lights  is  Thy  dew,  and  to  life  shall  the  eart 
bring  the  shades."  T 

Cheyne8  believes  that  this  passage  has  reference  t 
the  resurrection  of  individual  Israelites,  the  latencs 
of  the  passage  favors  his  view.9 

One  more  reference  to  the  revival  of  the  nation  i 
found  in  Hosea  (6:  2).  This  passage  if  not  post-exilii 
is  not  earlier  than  the  exile: 

"After  two  days  will  He  revive  us:  on  the  third  day  t 
will  raise  us  up  so  that  we  shall  live  before  Him."  10 

The  passage  commonly  referred  to  as  a  clear  expre; 
sion  of  individual  resurrection  is  found  in  Job  19 :  2. 
But  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  text  reveals  that  tl 
word  6lM,  upon  which  the  meaning  of  the  passag 
hinges,  has  been  mistranslated.  The  correct  transl; 
tion  shatters  all  hope  that  here  is  a  clear  statemei 
of  an  individual  resurrection.10*  The  word  p«3  in  tl 

7Isa.  26:19  (332  B.  C.) ;  cf.  Cheyne's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  in 
B.,  p.  76;  cf.  ibid.,  25:8  (334  B.  C.). 

8Cf.  Cheyne's  critical  notes  on  Isa.   (Engl.  transl.)  in 
B.  on  26:19,  p.  207,  n.  25. 

9  Cf.  Smend  and  Kuenen  (in  ZATW,  1884,  pp.  161  ff )  assij 
Isa.  chpts.  24-27  to  the  fourth  century;   also  Duhm   (D. 
Jesaia,  p.  XII),  who  argues  for  the  close  of  the  second  ce 
tury  B.  C. 

lonE^  njnpi  -wop?  ^fn  ora  DWO  -iirrv 

10aCf.  Smend  (Lehrb.  d.  Alttest.  Religionsgesch.,  2d  & 
p.  499)  states  that  Job  does  not  mention  an  eternal  life  aft 
death.  The  hope  that  God  will  vindicate  him  after  1 
death  is  what  he  understands  under  living  again.  Grae 
argues  (Monatssch.,  1887,  pp.  247  ff)  that  the  author  of  J 
had  a  conception  of  resurrection  which  he  represei 
Eliphaz  and  Bildad  as  adopting,  but  Job  himself  as  repu< 


EESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       155 

:u  is  connected  with  the  ancient  custom  of  blood- 
3nge,"a  and  Job  says — just  as  the  nearest  kin  does 

.g.  This  view  of  Graetz  seems  to  be  strengthened  by 
rtii,  who  lived  in  the  13th  cent.  (cf.  Zimz:  Zur  Gesch.  u. 
,  Berl.,  1845,  p.  463).  In  reference  to  Job  7:7  he  says: 

D>n£>n  jvnm  avx  IDD  fjo 

nee  Job  denied  the  resurrection  of  the  dead."  Cf.  Stade 
her  d.  alttest.  Vorst.  v.  Zust.  n.  d.  Tode,  Lpzg.,  1877) 
ic.  transl.  ^O  "  Erloser,"  and  adds  that  this  does  not 
ly  the  least  hope  of  immortality,  it  expresses  his  firm 
h  in  having  his  innocence  proven  by  God  after  his  death; 
im  (D.  B.  Hiob.,  pp.  102  ff)  transl.  ^O  "  Blutriicher.' 
an  Job  dies,  Duhm  states  he  is  looked  upon  as  a  crim- 
worthy  of  death.  The  Blood-avenger's  duty  is  to  save 
innocence  and  honor.  God  is  his  nearest  friend,  because 
•ybody  has  turned  from  him.  Cf.  Bathgen  (Hiob. 
tsch  fur  Ungelehrte,  Go'tt.,  1898,  p.  44,  note),  who  agrees 
i  Duhm;  cf.  Budde  (Nowack),  1896,  pp.  102  ff,  who  sees 
•eference  to  resurrection  in  19:25.  The  reference  is  to  a 
suit  in  which  witnesses  and  an  advocate  are  present;  the 
of  ^>$}  in  that  sense  is  common;  cf.  Prov.  23:11;  Ps. 
54;  Jer.  50:34. 

(M)    D-ip»  nair^y  jnn^)  'n  \^a  VOT*  »3S3 

On  D^n  7X3  Blood-avenger,  cf.  Jastrow's  paper 
1.  in  the  Independent,  Aug.  27,  1896;  also,  Jastrow's 
ly  of  Rel.,  London,  1901,  p.  339.  Prof.  Jastrow's  coo- 
ion  is  that  the  goel  is  the  avenger  legitimately  consti- 
;d  as  such  and  recognized  by  the  verdict  of  ancient 
litic  society  and  that  in  the  last  stage  the  term  meecs 
n  a  spiritualized  meaning.  At  the  time  of  the  exile  the 
•rews  needed  a  goel.  To  whom  could  they  look  for  the 
ization  of  this  hope  but  to  JHVH?  God  fhus  became 
goel.  Job  thus  uses  it  in  19:25.  Of  the  33  passages  in 
O.  T.  in  which  goel  is  used,  no  less  than  19  occur  in 
ic  and  post-exilic  passages,  viz.,  Isa.  52:3,9;  48:20;  62:12; 
56;  Ps.  107:2;  19:15,  etc.  On  Din  5>6O  cf.  Driver: 
.teronomy,  N.  Y.,  1895,  p.  232;  also  Volk  und  Oettli:  Die 
tischen  Hagiographen,  Nordlingen,  1889,  p.  51,  note. 


156       KESUKKECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

not  rest  until  he  has  avenged,  thus  will  JHVH  just 
me  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  Job  is  confident  tl 
JHVH  will  exonerate  His  faithful  servant  before  t 
world  and  thus  testify  to  his  innocence.  Eesurrecti 
is  not  suggested  here.  The  passage  is  so  well  kno- 
that  a  lengthy  reference  to  it  may  not  seem  out 
place.  There  are  two  distinct  views  concerning  t" 
passage  in  Job.  Some  opine  that  it  has  reference 
resurrection  when  Job's  innocence  will  be  made  kno\ 
— others  look  upon  it  as  a  declaration  of  Job's  in 
cence,  in  this  life  he  will  be  shown  to  be  innocen 
possibly  through  having  his  fortune  restored  to  h 
or  through  some  other  act  of  God.  The  view  that  ho 
the  theory  of  resurrection  is  advocated  in  the  old 
and  most  important  translations,13  as  well  as  by  1 
Fathers  of  the  Church,14  the  other  view  has  been  1 
one  commonly  adopted  by  modern  Biblical  scholai 

12  Cf.  Szold:  "R.  V."  in  Menorah,  N.  Y.,  April,  1888,  p.  : 

13  LXX.  Vulgate.    The  Targum  renders     ^JO     with     »pv 
(Redeemer).  .  Saadia  transl.  "human  friend"  (for  Targ 
cf.  Bacher:  D.  T.  z.  Hiob.  in  Frankel's  Monatssch.,  1871; 
Saadia  cf.  Cohn:  D.  B.  Hiob.  von  Gaon  Saadia,  Altona,  18* 

14  Cf.  Hieronymous  ad  Paulin  Ep.  (LIII  al  GUI,  §8);  i 
Lagarde:  Mittheil:  Gott.,  1887,  II,  pp.  189-237. 

15  Cf.  R.  V.,  where  Vindicator  is  placed  in  margin  for 
deemer  of  A.  V.;    cf.  also  Albertus   Schultus    (Liber  J 
1737),   who   transl.    "  vindicem   meum."     Similarly,   Rie 
(Alttest  Theol.,  Halle,  1889,  p.  361)    and  Ewald    (D.  p 
Biicher  d.  A.  T.),  Gott.,  1836,  vol.  II.     Cf.  Cheyne  (Job  ; 
Sol.,  p.  104):  "The  idea  in  Job  is  a  supramundane  just 
which  will  one  day  pronounce  in  favor  of  the  righteous 
ferer,  not  only  in  this  world  (ibid.,  16:18;  19:25;  chpt.  • 
so  that  all  men  recognize  his  innocence,  but  also  beyond 
grave."     Cf.  also  Cheyne:  J.  Q.  R.,  vol.  X,  p.  13;  Kenne< 
art.,  "  Goel,"  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  II;  Grob 


RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       157 

gfried  considers  19 :  25-2  7b  a  gloss.10     He  interprets 
whole  passage  as  follows: 

I  know  that  my  avenger  liveth,  and  that  a  surviving 
sman  shall  arise  upon  my  grave  as  my  defender.  He 
infuse  new  life  into  my  skin,  which  had  to  suffer  lep- 
y,  and  will  thus  give  an  actual  proof  of  my  rectitude 
id.,  42:10).  And  it  is  God  Himself  who  shall  avenge  me, 
shall  raise  me  up  out  of  the  grave  and  make  me  whole 
in." 

Another  passage  (Ps.  16:10,11)  is  frequently  re- 
red  to  as  pointing  to  individual  resurrection,  but 
las  reference  to  the  community  and  not  to  the  indi- 
ual:17 

"  For  Thou  dost  not  commit  me  to  Sheol, 

Nor  sufferest  Thy  faithful  ones  to  see  the  pit; 

Thou  teachest  me  the  path  of  life: 

In  Thy  presence  is  fulness  of  joys 

Fair  gifts  in  Thy  right  hand  forever." 

stated  above,  there  is  but  one  passage  in  the  Old 
stament  (Dan.  12:  2,  3)  that  speaks  of  individual  re- 
rection.  In  the  centuries  that  elapse  between  the 
>se  of  the  Old  and  the  beginning  of  the  New  Testa- 

Ansichten  iiber  Unsterblichkeit,  etc.,  in  Theol.  Stud.  u. 
it.,  1879,  pp.  651  ff,  670,  696  f.  (For  full  discussion  cf. 
er:  D.  Text  d.  B.  Hiob.,  Marburg,  1897,  pp.  124  ff.) 
°Cf.  Siegfried's  ed.  of  Heb.  text  in  P.  B.,  notes,  pp.  37  f: 
'he  passage  is  a  later  gloss  in  which  the  resurrection  of 
)  just  is  considered  a  possibility  (cf.  Dan.  12:2,  3;  2  Mace. 
),  11),  contrary  to  the  views  put  forth  in  the  Bk.  of  Job 
th  regard  to  Sheol  (chpt.  3) ;  cf.  also  J.  Royer:  D.  Eschat- 
>gie  d.  B.  Job,  Freiburg,  1901. 

7Cf.  Wellhausen:  Notes  to  the  transl.  of  Psalms  in  P.  B., 
167,  n.  7;  also  Duhm:  Die  Psalmen,  ad  Zoc.,  p.  46;  Baeth- 
n  (in  Nowack's  Hdk.,  1892) ;  all  of  these  refer  the  Psalm 
the  whole  community  and  not  to  the  individual. 


158       RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

ment  evidence  abounds  that  individual  resurrection  had 
become  the  generally  accepted  belief. 

Before  bringing  proof  from  the  Apocryphal  and 
Apocalyptic  literature,  a  brief  reference  to  that  belief  in 
the  religion  of  Persia,  which  had  much  influence  upon 
the  Jewish  belief,  would  seem  in  place.  Prof.  Jackson 
an  Iranian  scholar,  says:  18  "  The  confident  belief  thai 
the  good  will  be  rewarded  after  this  life  and  the  wickec 
will  be  punished;  that  right  will  triumph  and  evil  wil 
be  destroyed;  that  the  dead  shall  arise  and  live  again 
that  the  world  shall  be  restored  and  joy  and  happiness 
shall  reign  supreme  —  this  is  a  strain  that  runs  througl 
all  the  writings  of  Zoroastrianism  for  hundreds  of  years 
or  from  a  time  before  the  Jews  were  carried  up  ink 
captivity  at  Babylon  until  after  the  Koran  of  Moham- 
med and  the  sword  of  the  Arabs  had  changed  the  whole 
religious  history  of  Iran.  The  firm  belief  in  a  life  here- 
after, the  optimistic  hope  of  regeneration  of  the  pres- 
ent world  and  of  a  general  resurrection  of  the  dead,  arc 
characteristic  articles  in  the  faith  of  Persia  and  Anti- 
quity." According  to  the  belief  of  the  Parsees,  th( 
souls  of  the  dead  must  pass  the  bridge  of  Cinvai 
(Bridge  of  Gathering).  The  wicked  fall  from  it  intc 
Hell  (the  habitation  of  the  Drukhs)  where  eterna 
misery  (sadra)  awaits  them,  while  the  righteous  pas,' 
it  safely  and  enter  Heaven  (Gara  demanna,  dwelling  oJ 
song),  where  dwells  Mazda  with  his  courtiers  and  the} 
live  on  Naurvatal  and  Ameretat  (food  and  drink  of  the 


Ancient  Persian  Belief  in  a  Future  Life,"  ir 
Biblical  World,  1896,  pp.  149  f;  also  his  book,  "Zoroaster/ 
N.  Y.,  1899  (cf.  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life,  J.  A.  O.  S.,  1858,  p 
8,  and  Doctrine  of  Resurrection,  ibid.,  16,  pp.  38  f). 


RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       159 

Cmmortals);  then  finally  a  Savior  (Saosyos)  will  appear 
.dio  shall  exterminate  all  evil,  renew  the  world,  annihi- 
ate  by  his  fire  the  wicked,  and  raise  the  dead.18 

In  discussing  the  eschatological  conceptions  of  the 
Vpocryphal  and  Apocalyptic  literatures  Ecclesiasticus, 
>r  the  Wisdom  of  Jesus  ben  Sirach,  offers  a  fruitful 
ield.  The  book  is  cast  in  a  purely  Jewish  mould.  In 
he  Talmud  the  book  is  referred  to  as  Ben  Sira  (XYD  p) . 
Talmud,  Midrash  and  New  Testament  quote  from 
Ecclesiasticus  without  giving  due  credit.20  The  book 
contains  proverbs,  maxims  and  moral  lessons  gathered 
>y  Joshua  (Jesus)  the  son  of  Sirach,  who  was  a  con- 
emporary  of  the  High-priest  Simon  II  (219-190 
3.  0.)  Joshua's  grandson  migrated  from  Judaea  to 
^gypt,  where  he  translated  (132  B.  C.)  into  the  Greek 
ongue  the  work  of  his  grandsire,  that  the  book  might 
>ecome  accessible  to  those  ignorant  of  the  original, 
fortunately  for  science,  a  part  of  the  original  text 

19  Cf.  Kohut:  Ueber  die  Jiidische  Angelologie  und  Daemon- 
logie,  Lpzg.,  1866;  Tiele:  Gesch.  d.  Rel.  im  Altertum,  Gotha, 
898,  pp.  161  ff;  Huebschman:  "Die  parsische  Lehre  vom 
enseits  "  in  Jhrbch.  f.  Prot.  Theol.,  1879,  V,  pp.  114,  222  f. 

^Talm.  Chagigah  13a;  Jebamoth  63b;  B.  Bathra  98b; 
lishnah  Sanhedrin  10:1;  comp.  Luke  18:22  with  Ecclus. 
9:4.  For  citations  from  Ecclus.  in  Rabbinic  literature  cf. 
)uke's  Rabbinische  Blumenlese,  Lpzg.,  1844,  pp.  67  ft;  Joel 
ilicke  in  d.  Religionsgesch.,  Breslau,  1880,  pp.  71  ff  (Pt.  I); 
[amburger:  R.  Encycl.  Suppl.,  1886,  pp.  83  ff;  Schechter: 
'he  Quotations  from  Ecclus.  in  Rabbinic  lit.,  J.  Q.  R.  Ill, 
p.  682-706;  Cowley  and  Neubauer:  The  Original  Hebrew  of 

portion  of  Ecclus.,  Oxford,  1897,  pp.  xix-xxx;  Schloegel: 
Icclus.  39:12;  49-16,  Vindobonae,  1891.  For  citations  from 
]cclus.  in  Christian  lit.  cf.  Werner  in  Theol.  Quartalschrift, 
572,  pp.  265  ff. 


160       RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

(39:15;  49 : 11),  from  which  Saadia,  the  Goan,  a  thou 
sand  years  ago,  made  several  quotations,  and  whicl 
had  been  regarded  as  lost,  was  discovered  by  Profs 
Schechter  and  Neubauer.21  Like  the  authors  of  th< 
Biblical  Proverbs,  Ben  Sira  recommends  the  acquisi 
tion  of  wisdom,  faith  in  God,  and  the  practice  of  kind 
ness  and  charity.  Retribution,  without  any  exception 
seems  to  be  confined  to  this  life;  in  this  respect  hi 
stands  upon  Old  Testament  ground : 

"  Fear  not  death,"  exclaims  Sirach,  "  that  is  destined  fo 

you; 
Remember  that  they  who  went  before  thee  and  they  wh< 

come  after  thee 'will  meet  the  same  fate. 
This  is  the  portion  of  all  flesh  from  God,  and  why  wil 

thou  rebel  against  the  decree  of  God? 
Whether  thou  wilt  live  ten,  hundred  or  a  thousand  years- 
One  cannot  quarrel  about  life's  duration  in  Sheol."  2 

Levies  translation,  which  is  supported  by  LXX,  "  ther 
are  no  chastisements  for  life  in  Sheol,"  is  doubtful 
RysseFs  rendering  "nicht  kann  man  hadern  liber  di 

21  Cf.  Schechter  and  Taylor:    The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sin 
Cambridge,    1899;    Margoliouth:    The    Original    Hebrew   o 
Bcclus.,  London,  1899;   Bacher:   "An  Hypothesis  about  th 
Heb.  Fragments  of  Sirach,"  J.  Q.  R.,  XII,  pp.  92  f ;    Toy 
"  Remarks  on  the  Heb.  Text  of  Ben  Sira,"  J.  A.  O.  S.  23,  pi 
38  ff;   Smend:    D.  heb.  Fragment  d.  Weisheit  d.  Jesus  be 
Sira;  Zunz:  Die  gottesd.  Vortriige,  second  ed.,  pp.  101,  199 
Ryssel:  D.  Sprliche  Jesus'  d.  Sohnes  Sirachs  in  Kautzsch' 
A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I,  Einl.,  pp.  230  ff;  Peters:  D.  jiingst  Wieder 

aufgefundene  heb.  text.  d.  B.  Ecclus.,  Freiburg,  1902. 

22  41:3,  4: 

fj.rj  ev^afiov  KptfUi  Qavarov,  /u.vfo'&TjTi  Trporipuv  aov  K.O.I  eoxdruv,  rov: 
rb  KpifjLa  Ttapa  Kvpiov  rcdoy  aap/ci,  /cat  TL  cnravaivrj  kv  evdoitia  i'tyioTO 
elre  de/ca,  elre  e/carov,  dre  x'l^ta  ^T7f-  °^K  ZOTIV  kv 


RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       161 

benslange  in  Sheol  "  seems  to  be  more  in  keeping 
th  the  meaning  of  the  whole  preceding  passage.28 

Give,  and  take  and  sanctify  thy  soul,  for  there  is  no 
king  of  dainties  in  the  grave."  24 

Who  shall  praise  the  Most  High  in  the  grave,  instead  of 
m  which  live  and  give  thanks."  25 

Ben  Sira  supplements  EzekiePs  teaching  concerning 
lividual  retribution  by  seeking  to  cover  its  obvious 
'ects  with  his  theory  of  the  solidarity  of  the  family. 
man's  wickedness  must  receive  its  recompense  either 
his  own  person  in  this  life,  or,  failing  in  this,  in 
j  person  of  his  surviving  progeny,  since  retribution 
unknown  to  Sheol  : 

"  Do  not  praise  anyone  happy  before  his  death, 
For  man  shall  be  known  in  his  children.26 

"  Children  curse  a  godless  parent, 
For  they  are  despised  on  his  account."  a 

n  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  (100-50  B.  C.)  28  we  dis- 
n  that  the  conception  of  immortality  is  fully  devel- 

Cf.  Ryssel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I. 

Ibid.,  14:16: 

•f  Kal  Ad/fe,  Kal  cnrarrjaov  rf/v  i/wj/yv  oov,  on  OVK  lariv  kv  adov  ^r/rfjaaL 


Ibid.,  17:27;  comp.  Ps.  115:17,  18. 

Ibid.,  11:28;  cf.  Ryssel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A  u.  P., 

I,  p.  294,  note. 
Ibid.,  41:7;  comp.  41:6. 
Cf.  Siegfried's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A  u.  P.,  vol.  I,  p. 

who  favors  100-50  B.  C.  Similarly  Haupt  (cf.  Oriental 
dies,  p.  251);  Konig  (Einl.,  §107),  150  B.  C.;  Pfleiderer 
rbch.  f.  protest.  Theol.,  XV,  2,  1889,  pp.  319  f  )  places  date 
he  first  pre-Christian  cent. 

11 


162       RESURRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

oped.29  This  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  auth 
shows  familiarity  with  Platonic  and  Stoic  thought,  wi 
Greek  poetry  and  science.30  From  Plato  and  his  schc 
he  adopts  the  doctrine  that  matter  is  eternal  (11:  ' 
and  that  this  eternal  matter  is  essentially  evil,  a 
that,  therefore,  the  human  body  is  evil :  "  For  t 
corruptible  body  presses  down  the  soul."  *  That  t 
soul  is  pre-existing  and  divine  shows  also  the  influer 
of  Platonic  speculation :  "  For  I  was  a  witty  child,  a 
had  a  good  disposition — yea,  rather,  being  good,  I  cm 
into  a  body  undefiled." '' 

From  the  Stoics  he  seemed  to  have  derived  the  fc 
cardinal  virtues — temperance,  prudence,  justice,  a 
fortitude  (8:7).  There  is  no  reference  to  a  perso: 
Messiah,  but  to  a  Messianic  or  rather  a  Theocra 
Kingdom  (3:7,  8).  Owing  to  evil  that  is  inherent 
matter,  there  can  be  no  resurrection  of  the  body,  1 
soul  is  the  proper  self,  it  alone  is  immortal,  beca 

29  In  the  I  Bk.  of  Mace.  (100-70  B.  C.)  there  is  no  refere 
to  immortality.     The  book  seems  to  have  been  written 
Hebrew  (cf.  Kautzsch's  new  transl.  in  his  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I 
25);  Niese:  Kritik  d.  beiden  Makkabaerbiicher,  Berl.,  1! 

30  Cf.  Siegfried's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I 
476;  Cornill  (Binl.,  4th  ed.,  p.  278)  sees  besides  Platonic 
Stoic    influences    traces    of    Pythagoras    and    Heraclr 
Schiirer:    The  Jewish  People,   II,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  233;    Che 
(Origin  of  Psalter,  p.  411)  speaks  also  of  a  neo-Platonic 
fluence. 

319:15a  (comp.  ibid.,  1:4): 
(j)"&apTov  "yap  cupa  /3api>vei  ifjvxyv. 

32  8:19,  20     (comp.  ibid.,  9:15;   also  Siegfried's  transl 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I,  p.  477). 


RESURRECTION  itf  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       163 

divine.83    The  book  has  been  aptly  called  "  a  Gospel  of 
Immortality."     Thus  we  read : 

"  For  God  created  man  for  incorruption." 3* 

"  But  the  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  the  hand  of  God, 
And  there  shall  no  torment  touch  them. 
In  the  sight  of  the  unwise  they  seemed  to  die, 
And  their  departure  was  taken  to  be  their  hurt, 
And  their  journeying  away  from  us  to  be  their  ruin, 
But  they  are  in  peace, 

For  though  they  be  punished  in  the  sight  of  men, 
Yet  is  their  hope  full  of  immortality."  35 

"  But  the  righteous  live  forever, 
And  in  the  Lord  is  their  reward, 
And  the  care  of  them  with  the  Most  High."  36 

The  Pessimism  that  in  course  of  time  is  engendered 
by  the  belief  that  the  physical  nature  of  man  is  evil 
and  thus  is  an  obstacle  to  the  development  of  the 
higher  life  and  its  virtues  is  overcome  by  the  author 
by  his  teachings  that  wisdom  is  the  redeemer  of  the 
soul  from  the  bondage  of  the  physical  body;  that  all 
things  are  ordered  by  a  Providence,  and  that  God  is 
the  Savior  of  all : 

"  When  I  considered  these  things  in  myself, 
And  took  thought  in  my  heart, 
How  that  immortality  lieth  in  kinship  to  wisdom."  37 

"Because  of  her  (wisdom)  I  shall  have  immortality."38 

33  Cf.  Wiinsche:  "  D.  Vorst.  v.  Zust.  n.  d.  Tode  nach  Apok- 
ryphen,  etc.,"  in  Jhrbch.  f.  protest.  Theol.,  1880;  also  Grober: 
"  D.  Ansichten  liber  Unsterblichkeit,  etc.,"  in  Theol.  Stud, 
u.  Krit.,  1879,  pp.  651  ff ;  670;  696  ff. 

342:23: 

OTI  6  6edf  EK.TIGE  rbv  av&puTrov  ETT'  a<j>$apaia. 

"  3:1-4.  385:15.  378:17.  ""SilS. 


164      KESUKRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

And  again: 

"  And  the  love  of  wisdom  is  observance  of  her  laws; 
And  the  giving  heed  to  her  laws  is  an  assurance  of  incor- 

ruption; 
And  incorruption  brings  near  unto  God."  39 

*  For  thou  lovest  all  things  that  are,  and  abhorrest  nothing 

which  Thou  hast  made, 

For  never  wouldst  Thou  have  made  anything,  if  Thou 
hadst  hated  it, 

For  Thou  sparest  all,  for  they  are  Thine,  O  Lord,  Thou 
lover  of  souls."  *° 

If  we  except  the  works  of  Josephus  and  Philo,  the 
Wisdom  of  Solomon  is  the  most  important  contribu- 
tion to  the  Grseco-Judaic  literature.  That  the  book 
was  written  in  Greek  and  not  in  Hebrew  seems  to  be 
fairly  well  established.41 

The  book  gains  in  importance  by  the  fact  that  some 
regard  it  as  an  answer  to  Ecclesiastes,  as  opposed  to 
some  of  its  teachings.  Thus  Prof.  Haupt  states : 42  "  It 
is  true  that  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  seems  to  have 
been  designed  as  Anti-Ecclesiastes.  Of  course  that  is 
conclusive  only  as  far  as  the  genuine  portions  of  Eccle- 

39  6: 18,  19.  40 11: 24-26. 

41  Of.  Margoliouth  ( J.  of.  Asiatic  Soc.,  1890,  pp.  263  ff),  who 
believes  that  the  original  was  Hebrew.  This  view  is  refuted 
by  Freudenthal  (What  is  the  Original  Language  of  the 
Wisdom  of  Sol.?)  J.  Q.  R.  Ill: 722  ff.  Siegfried  in  transl.  of 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I,  p.  476,  favors  a  Greek  original; 
cf.  also  Thumb:  D.  griechische  sprache  im  Zeitalter  d.  Hel 
lenismus,  Strassburg,  1901. 

^Oriental  Studies,  p.  251;  also  Barthauer:  Optimismus  u. 
Pess.  im  B.  Koheleth,  Halle,  1900,  p.  12;  Ginsburg:  Qoheleth 
London,  1861,  p.  28. 


RESUBRECTION  IN  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT       165 

siastes  are  concerned.  The  theological  interpretations 
may  be  considerably  later  and  perhaps  partly  based  on 
the  Book  of  Wisdom/3 

In  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees/3  a  professed 
abridgment  of  a  larger  work  in  five  volumes  by  Jason 
of  Gyrene,  the  idea  of  resurrection  is  expressed  in  clear 
language :  Thus  the  second  of  the  seven  brethren  ad- 
dressed Antiochus  before  he  was  to  lay  down  his  life 
for  his  faith :  "  Thou,  0  miscreant  dost  release  us  out 
of  this  present  life,  but  the  King  of  the  world  shall 
raise  us  up  who  have  died  for  His  laws  unto  an  eternal 
revival  of  life." '  In  the  same  strain  speaks  the 
youngest  of  the  seven  who  had  witnessed  the  martyr- 
deaths  of  his  six  brothers :  "  For  these  our  brethren, 
who  have  endured  a  short  pain,  have  now  died  under 
God's  covenant  of  everlasting  life."  **  The  mother  who 
saw  her  seven  sons  slain  in  one  day  bare  it  with  good 
courage  because  she  hoped  in  the  Lord.  And  she  ex- 
horted every  one  of  them  and  inspired  them  with  cour- 
age by  saying  unto  them :  "  I  cannot  tell  how  ye  came 
into  my  womb,  for  I  neither  gave  you  breath  nor  life 
.  .  .  But  doubtless  the  Creator  of  the  world  .  .  .  will 
also  of  His  own  mercy  give  you  breath  and  life  again 


43  Cf.  Kamphausen's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  I, 
p.  84. 

44  7:9. 

45  7: 36;  comp.  ibid.,  7:11. 

46  7: 20-23. 


CHAPTEK  VIII 
THE  TALMUD 

The  Optimism  and  Pessimism  of  the  Talmud  is  im- 
)rtant  for  our  investigation.  The  Talmud,  it  must 
3  remembered,  does  not  represent  an  independent 
lought-movement  in  the  life  of  the  Jew.  Old  Testa- 
ent  ideas  and  conceptions  we  find  here  developed 
nder  the  influence  of  ever  changing  political  and  so- 
al  conditions.  Then,  parts  of  the  Talmud1  fall 
ithin  New  Testament  times  and  help  to  a  better  un- 
arstanding  of  the  teachings  of  the  New  Testament.2 

To  trace  a  system  of  philosophy  and  theology  in  the 
almud  is  nigh  impossible.  This  becomes  patent  when 
ae  considers  that  the  work  covers  a  period  of  eight 
jnturies  (300  B.  C.  -  500  C.  E.)  and  embodies  the 
loughts  and  opinions  of  several  hundred  persons.8 


*Rab  Ashi  (KJ>K  3*1)  (Surah  367-427)  was  the  first  corn- 
ier of  the  Talmud;  the  compilation  was  finished  by  Rab 
binah  (flJ»3K  3"l)  in  499  C.  E.,  who  was  assisted  by  R. 
>se  (  Wl)  the  head  of  the  Academy  of  Pumbaditha. 
2  Cf  .  article  "  Talmud  in  relation  to  early  Christianity," 
A.  O.  S.,  X,  pp.  100  f. 

3Cf.  Mielziner:  Introd.  to  the  Talmud,  Gin.,  1894;  Weiss: 
SnVH  "in  "in  (The  Hist,  of  Jewish  Tradition),  Wien, 
J73,  1876,  18S5;  Schechter:  "The  Hist,  of  Jewish  Tra- 
ition"  in  Studies  in  Judaism,  Phila.,  1896,  chpt.  VII; 
eutsch:  "The  Talmud"  in  Literary  Remains,  N.  Y.,  1874, 
p.  1-59;  Fischer:  Bibel  und  Talmud,  Lpzg.,  1881;  Ehren- 
leil:  Der  Geist.  d.  Talmud,  Budapest,  1887;  Darmesteter: 
he  Talmud,  Phila.,  1897;  Scholien:  z.  babyl.  Talmud,  Prag, 
559;  Braunschweiger:  Die  Lehrer  d.  Mischnah,  Frankfurt, 
590;  Ehrmann:  Aus  Palastina  und  Babylon,  Wien,  1882, 


168  THE  TALMUD 

The  Talmud  is  less  optimistic  than  the  Old  Test? 
ment.  This  is  possibly  due  to  the  political  condition 
that  obtained  among  the  Jews  after  the  death  of  Ales 
ander  the  Great.  The  sad  present  contrasted  with  th 
past,  when  they  lived  in  their  own  land  and  were  rule 
over  by  their  own  kings,  made  their  lot  seem  hard  an 
cruel.  Added  to  the  loss  of  political  freedom  we  mue 
hasten  to  add  the  disappointment  of  their  Messiani 
hopes,  yet,  in  spite  of  all,  the  optimistic  view  of  Hi 
prevails  in  the  literature  of  the  Kabbis.  Thus  we  reac 


rrapn  &OIK>  HE      m  *IDK  mirp  an 
ana  rbvJ?  nnK  in  ana  vh 


"All  that  God  has  created,"  said  K.  Jehudah  (30 
C.  E.),  "  is  of  use  ;  "  he  then  continues  more  explicitl; 
"He  created  the  snail  for  healing  wounds,  the  fly  1 
heal  the  poisonous  bite  of  the  hornet;  the  mosqurl 
for  the  bite  of  the  serpent;  the  serpent  for  leprosy 
and  the  spider  to  heal  the  bite  of  the  scorpion  "  (Talr 
Sabbath  77b).  In  another  passage  we  read  (Jomah  76a 
"  E.  Akiba  (who  died  136  C.  E.)  said:  '  Man  ought  1 
accustom  himself  to  say  —  all  that  happens,  happei 
for  the  best'"  (comp.  Berachoth  6  Ob).  In  a  few  bri< 
words  is  expressed  a  Theodicy.  God,  being  the  Cr< 
ator,  suffices  to  consider  everything  that  is  and  th; 
happens  as  being  useful  to  man.  Sublime  faith  i 
Providence  is  expressed  in  many  passages. 

inoria  toa  or  anas?  *D 

"  He  who  made  the  day  will  provide  daily  sustenance 
(Mechilta4  to   Ez.   16:4).     "He  who  still  has  son 

4Cf.  Schiirer:  A  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People,  2d  ed.,  I,  v< 
I,  p.  145;  also  Zunz:  D.  gottesd.  Vortr.  2d  ed.,  p.  54;  Geige 
"  Mechilta  u.  Sifre  "  in  his  Ztsch.,  1866,  pp.  125  ff. 


THE  TALMUD  169 

bread  in  his  basket  and  asks  what  shall  I  eat  on  the 
morrow,  has  little  faith  "  (Talm.  Sotah  48b). 

In  regard  to  the  enjoyment  of  life's  blessings  the 
Talmudic  doctors  hold  the  Old  Testament  view.  Many 
benedictions  6  have  come  down  from  Talmudical  times. 
Whatever  one  enjoys,  be  it  in  the  way  of  eating  or 
drinking,  or  some  pleasing  or  remarkable  sight,  an 
agreeable  smell,  a  festivity  OD  a  joyful  event,  or  the 
performance  of  a  divine  commandment;  whatever  be- 
falls one,  whether  it  be  pleasant  or  unpleasant — all  is 
to  be  regarded  as  sent  from  above,  and,  therefore,  is 
expressed  by  a  suitable  benediction. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Second  Temple  some 
abstained  from  meat  and  wine,  because  they  were  no 
longer  used  in  the  offerings  on  God's  altar.  They  re- 
nounced all  pleasures  in  the  belief  that  their  doing 
so  was  pleasing  to  God.  Rabbi  Jochanan  ben  Saccai 
(c.  50  C.  E.),  one  of  the  famous  disciples  of  Hillel  and 
the  foremost  leader  of  his  time,  asked  those  who  had 
renounced  meat  and  wine,  "  Why  do  you  abstain  from 
them  ?  "  And  as  they  pointed  to  the  altar  in  ruin  in 
explanation  of  their  abstinence,  the  Eabbi  replied: 
"  Then  you  ought  to  abstain  from  eating  bread  and 
from  drinking  water  on  account  of  the  former  meat 
offering,  nor  eat  fruit  on  account  of  the  former  first 
fruits.  Brethren,"  continued  the  Rabbi,  "you  ought 
not  to  forget  the  sanctuary  but  that  is  no  reason  why 
you  should  turn  your  back  upon  the  world ''  (Baba 
Bathra  60b). 

8Cf.  Dembitz:  Jewish  Services,  Phila.,  1898,  pp.  140,  203, 
348  f;  also  Friedlander:  The  Jewish  Rel.,  London,  1891, 
p.  442. 


170  THE  TALMUD 

While  the  Sages  of  the  Talmud  warn  us  against  over- 
indulgence of  all  kinds,  in  pleasure  and  in  the  gratifica- 
tion of  bodily  appetites,  they  strongly  disapprove  of  as- 
cetic practices.  In  this  spirit  they  interpret  the  command- 
ments of  the  Torah,  "  Ye  shall  live  by  them  (i.  e.  the 
commandments),,  and  not  die  through  them"  (Yoma 
8ob).  In  Erubin  54a  we  read :  "  If  thou  hast  the  means 
to  enjoy  life,  enjoy  it."  In  Sabbath  30b  Ben  Soma 
(c.  120  C.  E.)  states :  "  The  whole  world  has  been 
created  that  man  may  find  pleasure." 

About  marriage  there  are  many  sayings,  all  looking 
upon  it  as  a  duty: 

"  It  is  a  religious  duty  for  man  to  marry  "  (Kiddushin 
2b). 

"  To  be  unmarried  is  to  live  without  joy,  without  blessing, 
kindness,  religion,  and  peace"  (Yebamoth  62a).5a 

"As  soon  as  one  marries  his  sins  decrease"  (Yebamoth 
63b). 

"  He  who  lives  without  a  wife  is  no  perfect  man  "  (Bera- 
choth  8b;  Yebamoth  63a). 

"  Prayers  should  be  recited  only  when  one  is  in  a  cheerful 
frame  of  mind  "  (Talm.  Berachoth  31a). 

"  He  who  denies  himself  the  use  of  wine  is  a  sinner " 
(Talm.  Taanith  lla). 

"  God  reveals  Himself  to  man  only  in  the  gladness  that 
comes  to  him  from  some  kind  deed  "  (Talm.  Sabbath  30b). 

"  No  one  ought  to  afflict  himself  by  needless  fasting " 
(Talm.  Taanith  22b) ;  comp.  Matt.  6:17;  9:14  f;  Luke  2:28; 

&a  The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  holds  the  view  on  marriage 
common  to  the  N.  T.  (Matt.  24:19;  Luke  23:29) :  "Ye  bride- 
grooms enter  not  into  your  chambers;  ye  women,  pray  not 
that  ye  may  bear  children;  for  the  barren  shall  rejoice  " 
(Baruch  10:13,  14).  Cf.  Ryssel's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u. 
P.,  vol.  II;  also  Kneucker:  D.  B.  Baruch,  Lpzg.,  1879, 


THE  TALMUD  171 

5:33;  Acts  14:23,  where  fasting  is  regarded  as  something 
that  is  pleasing  to  God. 

"R.  Jehu  da  the  Saint  (c.  200  C.  E.),  weighing  the  good 
and  the  evil  concluded  that  there  is  more  good  than  evil" 
(Talm.  Jomah  76a).  From  the  same  Rabbi  it  is  reported 
"  that  when  he  thought  of  the  day  of  death  he  would  intone 
a  song"  (Talm.  Berachoth  lOa). 

The  classical  passage  for  Optimism  is  found  in  the 
discussion  that  took  place  between  the  Schools  of 
Shammai  and  Hillel  (c.  80  C.  E.).  For  two  years  and 
a  half  the  disciples  of  these  rival  Academies  discussed 
the  subject  of  human  existence.  One  side  maintained 
that  existence  is  to  be  preferred  to  non-existence,  the 
other,  that  non-existence  is  preferable. 
*h  ma  ri'3  fcn33t?»  inv  «i33  vbw  0-1*6  6  ma  '&  n>3) 

(Erubin  13b  K-QJ  fe6p»  "mi>  tO33P  D1&6 
A  vote  was  finally  taken  and  the  School  of  Hillel  favor- 
ing existence  won  the  contest.8 

There  are  some  pessimistic  sentiments  expressed  in 
Midrash  Eabboth  7  to  Eccl.  1:13: 


"  No  one  departs  this  life  having  had  half  of  his  wishes 
fulfilled." 


The  Scriptural  verse  (Gen.  47: 
"And  the  time  drew  near  that  Israel  must  die/'  is  in- 
terpreted by  the  Midrash  by  quoting  I  Chron.  29:  15: 
pKir^i;  -ivo*  hvz  "As  a  shadow  are  our  days  on  earth." 
The  Midrash  then  makes  the  following  leflections: 

6Cf.  Eccl.  4:3;  also  Hartmann:  D.  Rel.  d.  Geistes,  Berl., 
1882,  pp.  180  ff. 

7  A  coll.  of  Midrashim  on  Pentateuch  and  the  5  Megilloth 
(c.  600  C.  E.);  cf.  Schiirer:  A  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People, 
2d  ed.,  T,  Vol.  I,  p.  147;  Zunz:  D.  gottesd.  Vortr.,  2d  ed.,  pp. 
183,  195;  Lerner:  Anlage  u.  Quellen  d.  B.  R.,  Frankf.,  1882. 


172  THE  TALMUD 


"  were  our  days  only  as  the  shadow  of  a 
wall,"  or  |V'K  ^  i^'¥3  "  as  the  shadow  of  a  tree/'  but 
alas,  ppr  ^  l^VD  &6tf  "  our  days  are  as  the  shadow  of 
a  bird."  8 

Though  the  Talmud  is  mainly  a  development  of  Old 
Testament  ideas,  yet  it  contains  views  that  are  fre- 
quently more  in  touch  with  the  New  Testament  than 
with  the  Old  Testament.  The  subject  of  suffering  may 
serve  as  an  illustration.  While  in  the  Old  Testament 
suffering  is  the  result  of  sin,  or  of  value  as  a  discipline. 
the  Talmud,  like  the  New  Testament,  regards  suffering 
as  an  almost  desirable  end  per  se.  The  phrase  *?W  PTID 
nnnx  "  Sufferings  of  love  "  is  common  enough  in  Kab- 
binical  literature.8  Thus  we  read  :  10 

"  Beloved  is  suffering  for  by  it  fatherly  love  is  shown  to 
man  by  God;  by  it  man  obtains  purification  and  atonement; 
by  it  Israel  came  into  possession  of  the  best  gifts,  such  as 
the  Torah,  the  Holy  Land,  and  eternal  life."  In  another 
place  we  read.  "R.  Jehuda  b.  Lakish  (200  C.  B.)  said:  'All 
those  who  rejoice  in  the  sufferings  that  come  to  them  bring 
salvation  to  the  world'"  (Taanith  8a). 

"Whom  God  loves  He  chastises"11  (Berachoth  5a). 

"  Sufferings  are  beloved,  for  as  sacrifices  atone,  thus  do 
sufferings  atone.  Sufferings  have  a  greater  atoning  power 
than  sacrifices  "  12  (Sifre,  §32  ).13 

In  keeping  with  the  conception  of  "  Sufferings  of 
love  "  terrestrial  happiness  is  viewed  by  some  as  a 

8  To  Bereshith,  chpt.  96. 

"Talm.  Kiddushin  40b;  Sanhedrin  lOla. 

10Talm.  Berachoth  5a;  ibid.,  60b. 

11  Cf.  Prov.  3:12;  Heb.  12:6;  Rev.  3:19. 

12  Cf.   Rashi   ad    loc.,   where    jniD"1      pn*3H    is   explained 
with    p£O»K>;  also  Berachoth  5a  pp"OD 

13  Midrash  on  Numbers  and  Deuteronomy. 


THE  TALMUD  173 

rather  questionable  gift:  "He  who  passes  forty  days 
vvithout  discomfort  has  received  his  full  share  in  the 
>vorld.":  In  explanation  of  the  Scriptural  passage 
(Gen.  37: 1,  P)  "And  Jacob  dwelt  in  the  land  of  his 
father's  sojournings,  in  the  land  of  Canaan,"  the  Mid- 
rash  says : 15  "  Jacob  intended  to  live  quietly  after  hav- 
ing been  delivered  from  Laban  and  Esau."  And  God 
said  to  Jacob:  "Is  it  not  enough  that  the  pious  are 
kept  for  future  life,  shall  they  also  be  without  care 
here  ?  "  After  this  came  the  misfortune  with  Joseph. 
A  similar  thought  finds  expression  in  Talmud  San- 
ledrin  (lOla).  Eabbi  Eliezer  (50-120  C.  E.)  was  lying 
3n  his  bed  of  sickness  suffering  excruciating  pain. 
While  his  friends  and  disciples  were  overwhelmed  with 
*rief  seeing  his  sufferings,  Eabbi  Akiba  alone  was  in 
a  happy  frame  of  mind.  The  sufferer  chagrined  asked 
him  whether  he  did  not  sympathize  with  him  in  his 
sufferings,  upon  which  Akiba  replied :  "  When  thou 
^ast  prosperous  in  everything,  when  thou  hadst  corn 
md  wine,  oil  and  honey  abundantly,  I  was  uneasy  on 
thy  account  thinking  that  thou  hadst  already  enjoyed 
thy  world,  but  now  seeing  thee  in  agony  my  fear  van- 
ishes and  I  am  filled  with  joy." 

A  most  peculiar  development  of  this  conception  of 
suffering  is  that  the  suffering  of  one  person  can  atone 
for  the  sins  of  another.  Thus  we  find  in  Sanhedrin  39a, 
''  God  punishes  Ezekiel  that  Israel  may  be  cleansed 
from  its  sins."  Similarly  in  the  Pesikta  :18  "  E.  Chiiah 
b.  Abba  (279-330)  said:  "  On  the  first  day  of  Nisan  the 

14  Talm.  Erach  16a. 
15Midr.  Rabboth  to  Gen.  84. 

16Midr.  of  the  4th  Christian  century;  cf.  Buber's  ed.,  Lyck, 
1868,  p.  174;  Karpeles,  Geiger,  Hamburger  favor  700  C.  E. 


174  THE  TALMUD 

sons  of  Aaron  died,  and  what  is  the  reason  that  their 
death  is  remembered  on  the  Day  of  Atonement?     To 
teach,  that  as  the  Day  of  Atonement  has  power  to 
atone,  so  does  the  death  of  a  righteous  person  atone." 
Similarly  we  read  in  Talm.  Sabbath  33b: 
"  If  there  are  righteous  men  in  a  generation,  they  are 
made  to  atone  for  the  sins  of  their  generation;  if  there  be 
none  the  children  must  atone  for  the  sins  of  others." 

Here  we  stand  upon  New  Testament  ground.  Christian- 
ity (N.  T.)  makes  Jesus  the  atonement  for  the  sins  of  man- 
kind, and  finds  proof  for  his  Messiahship  in  his  sufferings 
(cf.  Matt.  16:27,  18:31,  22:22;  Luke  17:31;  Acts  17:3). 

Resurrection  of  the  body  did  not  become  a  doctrine  in 
Judaism  until  the  time  of  Moses  Maimonides  (1135-1204). 
He  makes  it  one  of  the  thirteen  articles  of  faith: 


"  I  believe  with  perfect  faith  that  there  will  be  a  resur- 
rection of  the  dead."17 

Jost  asserts  that  resurrection  was  already  an  article 
of  faith  in  the  time  of  the  Mishnah,18  for  the  second  of 
"  the  eighteen  benedictions  "  refers  to  the  quickening 
of  the  dead.19  He  also  refers  to  a  Boraitha19a  which 
prescribes  the  following  benediction  at  the  sight  of  a 
burial  ground  :  "  Praised  be  He  .  .  .  who  has  caused 
you  to  die  in  righteousness,  and  will  restore  you  again 
to  life  in  righteousness." 

"Maimonides:  Comm.  on  Mishnah;  cf.  Singer:  Daily 
Prayer  Book,  London,  1892,  p.  90. 

18Gesch.  d.  Judent,  Lpzg.,  1858,  vol.  II,  p.  176;  Zunz: 
Gottesd.  Vort.,  2d  ed.,  Frankf.,  1892,  pp.  379  f  ;  Talm.  Bera- 
choth  33a. 

19  Cf.  Dalman:  Christentum  u.  Judentum,  Lpzg.,  1898 
p.  18. 

19a  Cf  .  Talm.  Berachoth  58b. 


THE  TALMUD  175 

The  Pharisees,  to  which  sect  most  of  the  teachers 
belonged,  believed  in  resurrection  and  in  future  life. 
"  God  has  created  two  worlds  "—ton  obun  run  D^w  — 
"  this  world,  and  the  world  beyond."  "  That  the  Sad- 
ducees  denied  resurrection  seems  to  be  commonly  ac- 
cepted.21 Josephus  claims  that  the  Sadducees  believed 
that  the  soul  perished  with  the  body,  and  thus  they 
not  only  denied  resurrection  but  also  the  immortality 
of  the  soul.  "  They  also  take  away  the  belief  of  the 
immortal  duration  of  the  soul,  and  the  punishments 
and  rewards  in  Hades."  :  Graetz  does  not  accept  the 
statement  of  Josephus  that  the  Sadducees  denied  im- 
mortality.23 

The  oldest  of  the  Talmudic  compilations,  the  Mish- 
nah,  Mechilta,  Sifra  and  Sifre  speak,  indeed,  of  "  this 
world,"  "  the  world  to  come,"  and  "  the  days  of  the 
Messiah,"  but  whether  they  had  any  clear  and  definite 
conceptions  as  to  the  immortality  of  the  soul  is  doubt- 
ful. The  passages  that  refer  to  some  future  existence 
are  many  : 

»  ^D  nrn 


20  Cf.  Talm.  Menachoth  29b;   cf.  Josephus:  Antiq.,  XVIII 
3:5. 

21  Cf.  Matt.  22:23;   Mark  12:8;   Luke  20:27;    Acts  23:8; 
also   Wellhausen:    D.    Pharisaer   u.    Saducaer,   Greifswald, 
1874;  Schechter's  ed.  of  Aboth  Rabbi  Nathan,  Vienna,  1887, 
p.  26;   Geiger   (Urschrift,  1857,  pp.   334  f;    also  Lesestiicke 
aus  d.  Mischna,  Bresl.,  1845),  who  states  that  the  Samari- 
tans    also     denied     resurrection;     Kohn:     Samaritanische 
Studien,  Breslau,  1868;   Dollinger:    Heidenthum  u.  Judent, 
Regensburg,  1857,  pp.  745  ff. 

22  Bell:  Jud.,  II,  8:14;  comp.  Antiq.,  XVIII,  1:4. 

23  Cf.   Gesch.  d.  Juden  (2d  ed.),  pp.  456  ff;   also  Griine- 
baum:   D.  Sittenlehre  d.  Judent.,  Mannheim,  1867,  pp.  93  ff. 


176  THE  TALMUD 

"  The  wise  men  say :  the  expression,  '  the  days  of  thy  life,' 
refer  to  this  world,  and  'all  the  days  of  thy  life'  to  the 
world  to  come  "  (Mishnah  Berachoth  l:5b). 

Similarly,  in  Mishnah  Aboth  4:  23:  "  This  world  is 
like  a  vestibule  before  the  world  to  come,  prepare  thy- 
self in  the  vestibule  that  thou  mayest  be  admitted  into 
the  hall."  In  the  following  sentence  we  read: 

"  Better  is  one  hour  of  repentance  and  good  work  in  this 
world,  than  all  the  life  of  the  world  to  come;  better  is  one 
hour  of  refreshment  of  spirit  in  the  world  to  come  than  all 
the  life  of  this  world."  24 

"  The  generation  of  the  Flood  has  no  share  in  the  life  to 
come."  * 

"  He  who  makes  himself  little  in  this  world  for  the  sake 
of  the  Law  is  made  great  in  the  world  to  come;  and  he  who 
is  a  servant  for  its  sake  in  this  world  is  made  free  in  the 
world  to  come."  M 

"  R.  Joseph  was  ill  and  had  fainted  away;  when  he  recov- 
ered consciousness,  his  father  asked  him  what  he  had  seen 
in  his  swoon.  The  son  replied:  '  I  saw  the  world  upside 
down,  the  humble  above,  the  proud  below.'  Then  the  father 
said :  '  My  son,  thou  hast  beheld  the  world  to  come.'  "  2T 

"  Every  man  gets  the  mansion  he  merits  "  (Talm.  Sabbath 
152a).  Comp.  "  In  my  Father's  house  are  many  mansions  " 
(John  14:2). 

"  All  Israel  has  a  share  in  the  world  to  come  .  .  .  but 
these  have  no  share — he  who  denies  that  resurrection  is 
taught  in  the  Torah  .  .  .  " 28 

24  Cf.  Taylor:  Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers,  Cambridge, 
1897. 

25  Mishnah  Sanhedrin  10:3. 

26  Talm.  B.  Mezia  85b. 

"Talm.  Pesachim  50a;  B.  Bathra  lOb;  comp.  Matt.  19:30; 
Mark  10:16;  Luke  13:30. 
28  Mishnah  Sanhedrin  10 : 1. 


THE  TALMUD  177 

Whether  this  was  taught  on  account  of  the  Sadducees, 
r  on  account  of  young  Christianity,,  the  former 
enying  resurrection,  the  latter  claiming  it  as  a  peculiar 
hristian  doctrine,  is  difficult  to  determine.  The  ex- 
licitness  of  the  statement  would  lead  one  to  believe 
mt  it  was  framed  for  some  special  purpose.  We  also 
3ad,  and  that  may  be  possibly  directed  against 
hristianity  which  claimed  salvation  only  for  those  who 
alieved  its  tenets. 

Nnn  chub  p^n  or6  w  oSwn  rnoiK  »pnv 

"  The  righteous  of  all  nations  will  inherit  a  portion  of  the 
orld  to  come."  a 

In  Berachoth  60b:  "  My  God,  the  soul  thou  gavest 
ie  is  pure;  thou  didst  create  it;  thou  didst  form  it; 
lou  didst  breathe  it  into  me;  thou  preservest  it  within 
ie,  and  thou  wilt  take  it  from  me,  but  wilt  restore  it 
•  me  hereafter." 

The  Midrash  and  many  parts  of  the  Liturgy  convey 
ie  idea  that  the  Talmudic  doctors  clung  to  the  belief 
the  advent  of  a  Messiah.30  Thus  we  read  in  the 
iturgy : 8l 

"  Speedily  cause  the  offspring  of  David,  Thy  servant,  to 
>urish,  and  let  his  horn  be  exalted  by  Thy  salvation,  be- 
use  we  wait  for  Thy  salvation  all  day." 

29 (R.  Joshua  b.  Chananyah,  60-120  C.  E.)  Tosephta  San- 
drin  XIII;  comp.  Maimonides:  "  Yad  Chasaka,"  T'shuba 
5;  M'lachim  8:11. 

30  Cf.  Mielziner:  Introd.  to  the  Talm.,  Gin.,  1894,  §1;  also 
rsch:  Religionsphil.,  pp.  627  ff. 

"Of.  Singer:  Daily  Prayerbook,  London,  1892,  p.  49;  also 
inz:  D.  Gottesd.  Vortr.,  2d  ed.,  p.  380. 
12 


178  THE  TALMUD 

"  And  to  Jerusalem,  the  city,  return  in  mercy  .  .  .  anc 
speedily."  a2 

"  The  prophets,  all  of  them,  foretold  the  coming  of  the 
Messiah,  not  the  future  (beyond  the  grave),  no  eye  but  thai 
of  God  has  seen  it"  (Talm.  Berachoth  34b). 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Talmudk 
sages  were  influenced  by  the  speculations  of  Plato  ir 
their  belief  that  all  knowledge  is  but  reminiscence 
"At  the  moment  a  child  is  born,"  we  are  told,  "  ai 
angel  places  his  forefinger  upon  the  infant's  moutl 
and  the  touch  causes  the  soul  to  forget  what  it  ha( 
learnt  in  heaven.  The  depression  on  the  upper  li] 
is  the  mark  left  by  the  angel's  finger." s 

One  is  reminded  of  Timaeus  in  Plato  when  coming 
across  the  Talmudic  passage :  "  The  son  of  Davi< 
cannot  appear  until  all  the  souls  have  passed  int 
bodies."  34 

Originally  the  Messiah  was  regarded  as  a  delivere 
from  oppression;  he  was  to  restore  the  glories  of  th 
ancient  Commonwealth.  After  centuries  of  politics 
dependence  the  Messiah  becomes  a  very  part  of  Israel 
history.  He  existed  not  only  before  the  creation  c 
the  world,  but  for  his  sake  the  world  was  called  int 
being :  "  The  world  was  created  on  account  of  th 
Messiah."  :  "  Seven  things  were  created  prior  to  tb 
creation  of  the  world:  the  Torah,  repentance,  Pan 

32 Cf.  Singer:  Daily  Prayerbook,  p.  50;  comp.  Maimonide: 
"  Yad  Chasaka,"  M'lachim  11:1. 

83  Cf.  Talm.  Niddah  30b;  Jebamoth  62a. 

34  Talm.  Jebamoth  63b;   cf.  Joel  Blicke  in  die  Religion 
gesch.,  vol.  I,  p.  118;  Kalisch:  Path  and  Goal,  London,  188 
p.  359. 

35  Cf.  Talm.  Nedarim  39b;  Pesachim  54a;  Sanhedrin  98b 


THE  TALMUD  179 

ise,   Gehenna,  the  Throne  of  Glory,  the  Sanctuary 

ad  the  Name  of  the  Messiah."  ! 

While  the  Mishnah  seems  to  be  comparatively  free 

•om  demonology,  the  Talmud  shows  Babylonian  and 

ersian  influence  in  its  views  of  angels  and  demons. 

his  is  due  to  the  large  Academies  that  were  located 

Babylonia  and  that  drew  teachers,  as  well  as  pupils, 

om  those  Jews  that  had  lived  in  Babylon  for  cen- 

iries.  Thus  Abaye  who  lived  in  Pumpadita,  where  one 

the  large  schools  was  located,  said:     " Formerly 

believed  that  the  custom  to  pour  water  upon  the 

ound,  which  had  been  used  for  washing  hands  after 

e  meal,   was  due  to   cleanliness,  now   I   discovered 

at  it  is  done  in  order  that  the  evil  spirit  might  not 

id  rest  on  the  place."     In  Talmud  (Meilah  17b)  R. 

meon  b.  Jochai  (150  C.  E.)  is  said  to  possess  the 

wer  to  cast  out  demons.    While  E.  Simeon  was  jour- 

ying  to  Home  in  the  company  of  another  Rabbi,  to 

3ure  the  repeal  of  an  edict  hostile  to  the  exercise 

Judaism,  a  demon,  called  Ben  Temelion,  met  them. 

Vfay  I  go  with  you?"  asked  the  demon.     "Let  the 

rtent    come    whenever    it    be,"    answered    R.    Sim- 

a.     Thereupon  the  demon  hurried  on  in  front  and 

tered  into  the  daughter  of  the  emperor  who  went 

id.  The  daughter  then  called  for  R.  Simeon  who  ban- 

ied  the  demon.  In  Berachoth  (58a)  Satan  is  a  slan- 

rer,  accuser,  tempter  and  general  mischief  maker.3' 

'Cf.  Hirsch:  Religionsphil.,  Lpzg.,  1842,  p.  852;  Joel:  Bl. 
.  Religionsgesch.,  vol.  II,  pp.  181  ff. 

Comp.  B.  Bathra  16a;  Nedarim  32b;  Sabbath  119b;  also 
esner:  Scholien  z.  Babyl.  Talm.,  Prag,  1859,  pp.  8  ff ; 
1:  "Der  Aberglaube,"  in  Jahresbericht  des  jiid.  Theol. 
ainars,  Breslau,  1881,  pp.  69  ff;  Joel:  Bl.  i.  d.  Religions- 
ch.,  vol.  I,  p.  117. 


180  THE  TALMUD 

In  the  same  Treatise38  we  are  told  that  a  sick  person, 
groom,,  a  bride,  and  a  woman  in  confinement,  a  mourn< 
and  a  scholar,  while  unmolested  during  the  day,  had  - 
protect  themselves  from  demons  at  night.  In  Mishns 
Aboth  5 :  6  God  created  in  the  twilight  of  the  sixth  d<< 
the  demons  (mazziqin  or  nocentes). 

The  division  of  the  Biblical  Sheol  into  Paradise  ar 
Gehenna,  under  the  influence  of  Christianity,  whi< 
again    was    influenced    by    heathendom,    is    complel 
When  R.  Jochanan  was  dying,  his  disciples  who  h; 
gathered  around  the  teacher's  couch  asked:  "Light 
Israel,  why  dost  thou  weep  ?  "     The  teacher  replie 
"  Two  paths  are  open  before  me,  the  one  leading 
Paradise,  the  other  to  Gehenna.    I  know  not  which 
them  will  be  my  doom."  ; 

In  another  place  we  find :  *°    "  God  created  Eden  tb 
the  pious  might  rejoice,  and  Gehenna  for  the  sinner; 

"All  those  who  go  into  Gehenna  ascend  again  ir 
Paradise/' 41 

"  The  judgment  of  the  sinners  in  Gehenna  la 
twelve  months." 4 

38  Talm.  Berachoth  54b;  comp.  Chagigah  16a. 
89  Talm.  Berachoth  28b. 

40  Talm.  Pesachim  54a. 

41  Talm.  B.  Mezia  58a. 

4'-Mishnah  Edyoth  II;  comp.  Talm.  Rosh-hashanah  1 
also  Gaster:  "Hebrew  Visions  of  Hell  and  Paradise" 
Transactions  of  Royal  Asiatic  Soc.,  1893,  p.  571;  Zunz: 
gottesd.  Vortr.,  2d  ed.,  p.  149,  note  3. 


CHAPTER  IX 
CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM 

Bacon's  saying,  "  that  prosperity  is  the  blessing  of 
[he  Old  Testament  and  adversity  of  the  New/' 1  though 
somewhat  exaggerated,  contains  nevertheless  much 
that  is  true.  It  is  the  general  conception  of  the  Old 
Testament  that  faithfulness  to  the  Law  of  God  will 
ae  rewarded  by  outward  success,  though  to  prove  the 
3haracter  of  that  faithfulness  trials  and  temptations 
ire  sent  from  on  High.  The  New  Testament  regards 
calamity  and  suffering  as  necessary  means  for  spiritual 
uplifting,  and  the  life  of  the  individual  as  well  as  that 
)f  mankind  as  opportunity  for  such  development.  It 
liscerns  divine  love  in  the  greatest  sorrows  that  befall 
nan,  and  regards  the  activities  of  the  powers  of  evil  on 
3arth  from  the  same  point  of  view. 

Though  Jesus  and  Paul  were  not  the  founders  of  a 
lew  religion,1*  for  as  Schleiermacher  correctly  states, 
( no  religion  is  wholly  new,  as  the  same  basic  ideas 
"eappear  in  all,"  2  yet  they  impressed  their  powerful 
oersonalities  upon  the  current  ideas  and  moulded  them 
:he  better  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  their  time.  Well- 
lausen's  statement,  "that  a  new  spirit  pervades  the 
aospels," 8  is  not  wholly  true ;  Jesus  and  Paul  merely 
reshaped  old  material  that  had  existed.  Thus,  indi- 

'-Cf.  Bacon's  Essays,  London,  1877,  p.  17. 
'aCf.  Harnack:    Dogmatengesch.,  2d  ed.,  vol.  I,  pp.  39,  61. 
2Cf.  Stade:    Akad.  Reden,  etc.,  Giessen,  1899,  p.  57. 
3Cf.  Wellhausen:  Israelit.  u.  Jiidische  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1894, 
3.  313. 


182       CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM 

vidualism  which  makes  itself  felt  in  the  Khokma-litera 
ture  and  in  the  later  Psalms,  and  becomes  more  anc 
more  pronounced  in  the  Apocryphal  and  Apocalyptic 
literature,  reaches  its  highest  development  in  the  Nev 
Testament.4  The  Gospels  no  longer  appeal  to  stat< 
or  nation,  but  wholly  to  the  individual.  The  care  o: 
the  Jew,  during  Old  Testament  times  and  long  afte 
it,  was  the  nation;  the  care  of  the  Christian  was  hi 
own  soul,  his  salvation.  This  explains  that  while  th< 
eschatology  of  the  Old  Testament  is  historico-national 
in  the  New  Testament  it  revolves  solely  around  th< 
individual,  at  the  same  time  bearing  the  impress  o 
the  super-terrestrial.  Here  the  individual  is  never  los 
sight  of;  be  he  sinner  or  publican,  he  is  included  ii 
the  care  of  Divine  Providence.  Inheritance  in  th 
Kingdom  of  God  is  assured  to  him  who  puts  his  fait] 
in  the  Redeemer. 

To  speak,  therefore,  of  New  Testament  Christianit 
as  thoroughgoing  Pessimism  is  misleading.  True  it  i 
pessimistic  as  far  as  this  life  is  concerned,  but  it  i 
optimistic  in  regards  to  a  future  existence.5  It  point 
the  way  to  the  subdual  of  life's  desires  and  passions,  an 
offers  to  the  conqueror  the  true  eternal  life  beyon 
the  grave.6 

Are,  then,  the  pessimistic  tendencies  that  abound  i 
the  New  Testament  wholly  original  with  Jesus  an 
Paul,  or  have  they  been  developed  from  Old  Testameri 
conceptions,  or  have  they  been  taken  from  foreig 

4Cf.  Wellhausen:   Israelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901, 
394. 

8Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Frauenstadt  ed.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  713;  als; 
Haupt:  Oriental  Studies,  Boston,  1894,  p.  265,  note  15. 

6Cf.  Goether:  D.  moderne  Pess.,  Lpzg.,  1878,  p.  214. 


CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM      183 

sources?  Buddhistic  influence  is  claimed  by  Schopen- 
hauer7 and  many  others.7*  There  is,  indeed,  striking 
similarity  between  Christianity  and  Buddhism.  Both 
protest  against  the  moral  and  social  conditions  of  their 
day,  then  both  regard  this  life  as  a  kind  of  burden, 
from  which  deliverance  must  be  sought.8  In  Bud- 
dhism moral  reformation  is  wrought,  not  so  much 
through  positive  moral  and  physical  discipline,  as  is 
the  case  in  Christianity,  but  through  Nirvana,  in  which 
state  the  soul  is  saved  the  torments  of  transmigration 
and  is  brought  into  unconscious  unity  with  the  All. 
And  yet  Christianity  does  not  appear  wholly  unhos- 
pitable  to  this  basic  pessimistic  element  in  Buddhism. 
Here,  too,  life  is  under  a  heavy  and  oppressive  cloud; 
it  is  life  beyond  that  spells  freedom.  The  difference 
between  these  two  systems  of  religion  is,  that  while 
Buddhism  predicates  a  curse  to  all  life,  Christianity 
conceives  life  as  once  having  been  free  from  curse,  and 
that  in  time  it  shall  be  free  from  its  incubus  once 
more. 

Furthermore,  the  extreme  ascetic  attitude  of  Bud- 
dhism toward  the  joys  of  life  is  softened  down  in  New 
Testament  Christianity.  Nowhere  does  Jesus  state 
that  sin  is  innate  in  the  human  body,  or  that  evil  is 

7Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  145,  vol.  II, 
pp.  573,  734. 

7aCf.  Kuenen:  Hibbert  Lectures,  1882,  pp.  359  ff;  also  Old- 
enberg:  Theol.  Lit,  Zeitung,  1882,  col.  415  f;  Seydel:  Evang. 
u.  Buddhismus,  1882;  Happel:  D.  rel.  u.  phil.  Grundan- 
schauungen  d.  Inder.,  Giessen,  1902;  Dilger:  D.  Erlosung  d. 
Menschen,  etc.,  Basel,  1902. 

8  James:  The  Varieties  of  Religious  Experience,  London, 
1902,  p.  165. 


184      CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM 

a  necessary  ingredient  of  matter.8*  Jesus  lays  stress  on 
the  fundamental  fact  that  the  root  of  evil  is  in  the  heart, 
whence  proceed  evil  thoughts  and  deeds  that  defile  man 
and  determine  the  character  of  his  soul.  Paul,  who 
drew  largely  upon  Paganism9  for  his  theology,  looks 
upon  the  body  as  the  prison  of  the  soul.10  Holtzmann 
pertinently  remarks :  u  "  Paul  would  have  remained 
within  the  Jewish  representation  if,  according  to  his 
apprehension,  just  as  the  inward  man,  reason,  heart, 
conscience,  would  gravitate  to  the  good,  so  the  outward 
man,  or  rather  the  flesh  of  which  it  consists;  would  alsc 
gravitate  to  the  bad."  But  for  the  Apostle  the  flesh 
while  not  in  its  innate  nature  sinful,  is  rich  in  impulses 
desires  and  lusts  which  are  in  direct  opposition  to  al 
that  is  good,  which  "  war  against  the  law  of  the  mind/ 
and  bring  man  into  captivity  to  the  law  of  sin  that  if 
in  his  members."  :  In  another  and  most  importanl 
respect  does  Christianity  differ  from  Buddhism.  Chris 
tianity  does  not  wholly  satisfy  itself  with  the  negative 
side  of  Pessimism.13  While  it  accentuates  the  vanity 
of  riches  and  makes  abnegation  of  self  the  centra 

*aCf.  Matt.  15:19,  20;  also  Toy:  Jud.  and  Christianity,  p 
207. 

9 Of.  Cone:  Paul,  N.  Y.,  1898,  pp.  49,  224,  245,  340,  416 
also  Jastrow:  The  Study  of  Religions,  London,  1901,  p.  236 
Pfleiderer:  Philos.  and  Development  of  Rel.,  vol.  II,  pp 
162  ff,  290;  Toy:  Jud.  and  Christianity,  p.  413. 

10 1  Cor.  15:50;  Rom.  6:6;  8:3;  7:24;  8:10;  also  Hirsch 
Religionsphil.,  Lpzg.,  1842,  pp.  762  ff;  Dickson:  Paul's  Us- 
of  the  Forms  Flesh  and  Spirit,  p.  112;  Cone:  Paul,  pp.  223  fl 

11  Neutest.  Theol.,  II,  p.  38. 

12  Rom.  VII:  23. 

13  Cf.  Goether:   Der  moderne  Pessimismus,  Lpzg.,  1878,  i 
214. 


CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM      185 

point  of  its  morality,  it  makes  the  end  of  this  life  the 
beginning  of  a  better  and  eternal  existence.  Buddhism 
is  a  system  of  denial,  denying  future  existence  and  a 
Supreme  Being.14  History  is  vocal  with  the  admonition 
that  Atheism  and  Pessimism  go  hand  in  hand,  and 
that  Pessimism  begets  brutalism,  inciting  the  low- 
est passions  that  lurk  in  the  human  heart.  Chris- 
tianity is  the  announcement  of  a  hope  which  lifts 
man  out  of  his  impotence  into  a  new  joyousness  of  life. 
The  pessimist  gives  up  the  fight  for  lost  ere  it  begins. 
The  Christian  goes  forth  into  life's  battle  beckoned 
onward  by  the  star  of  victory:  "This  is  the  victory 
that  overcomes  the  world  even  our  faith  "  (I  John  5:4). 

From  this  point  of  view  Pessimism  and  Christianity 
are  the  two  great  contrasts.14*  The  resemblances, 
though  striking,  may  be  accidental.  All  religions  have 
much  in  common  in  certain  stages  of  their  develop- 
ment. 

On  the  other  hand,  that  Christianity  has  absorbed 
much  of  the  Essenic  thought  is  based  upon  actual 
facts.  Here  the  similarity  is  not  superficial  nor  acci- 
dental, but  real.  The  fact  that  both  systems  flourished 
among  the  same  people  united  by  the  ties  of  blood 
and  of  common  traditions  proves  almost  conclusively 
that  they  have  influenced  one  another.  Prof.  Graetz 
states:  "Jesus  must  have  been  powerfully  attracted 
by  the  Essenes  who  led  a  contemplative  life  apart  from 
the  world  and  its  vanities.  Like  the  Essenes  Jesus 

14 Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Vol.  Ill,  p.  143;  cf.  also  I.  W. 
Howerth:  What  is  Religion?  Int.  J.  of  Ethics,  Jan.,  1903, 
p.  189. 

14aCf.  Unold:  Aufgaben  u.  Ziele  d.  Menschenlebens,  Lpzg., 
1899;  Luthard:  Die  mod.  Weltanschauung,  Lpzg.,  1880,  pp. 
189  ff. 


186       CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM 

highly  esteemed  self-inflicted  poverty  and  despised 
mammon  and  riches."1  Community  of  goods,  charac- 
teristic of  Essenic  Society,  was  practiced  in  New  Tes- 
tament times :  "  And  all  that  believed  were  together 
and  had  all  things  common,  and  they  sold  their  pos- 
sessions and  goods  and  parted  them  to  all,  according 
as  any  man  had  need"  (Acts  2:44,  45;  ibid.,  4:32). 
It  was  the  boast  of  Tertullian  (c.  200)  "that  all  things 
are  common  among  uS  except  our  wives." loa 

New  Testament  Christianity  shared,  too,  the  aver- 
sion of  the  Essenes  to  marriage  (Matt.  19 : 11, 12). 
The  Essenes  condemned  the  marital  state  and  attached 
virtue  to  celibacy. 

Prof.  Toy  also  discerns  close  affinity  between  the 
teachings  of  Jesus  and  those  of  Essenism.18  He  says: 
"  Jesus  may  have  been  attracted  by  that  self-abnega- 
tion which  the  party  so  strikingly  illustrated.  The  Es- 
senian  practices  of  non-resistance  and  abandonment  of 
claims  to  private  property  were  doubtless  well  known 
in  Palestine  in  the  first  half  of  the  first  century  and 
may  have  been  sympathized  with  by  many  persons."3 

15  Cf.  Gesch.  d.  Jud.,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  281  ff  (Engl.  ed.,  vol.  II, 
pp.  150  ff). 

"aApol.  39;  cf.  Lecky:  Democracy  and  Liberty,  N.  Y., 
1897,  vol.  II,  chpt.  VIII. 

10  Matt.  4:24;  8:2-4;  Mark  1:40-45:  3:20-22;  Luke  5:12-26. 

17  Cf.  Jud.  and  Christianity,  p.  256;  Conybeare's  article, 
"  Essenes,"  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  I ;  Uhlhorn 
in  the  3d  ed.  of  Herzog's  Real  Eficycl.,  vol.  V,  Lpzg.,  1898; 
Schiirer:  Gesch.  d.  Jiid.  V.,  3d  ed.,  vol.  II,  chpt.  30;  Kohler: 
"  The  Essene  Brotherhood,"  in  Reform  Advocate,  Chicago, 
vol.  VII,  No.  1;  Friedlander:  Zur  Entstehung  d.  Christen- 
thums,  Wien,  1894,  p.  123. 


CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM      187 

Volkmar 1S  and  Gunkel,19  too,  believe  Christianity  to  be 
an  outgrowth  of  Essenism.  Kuenen  and  Harnack 
strongly  combat  Essenic  influence  in  Christianity. 
Kuenen  states  M  "  that  the  agreement  is  in  details  of 
secondary  importance,  the  difference  is  one  of  prin- 
ciple. Essenic  separation,  the  formation  of  a  small 
and  strictly  closed  society  to  realize  the  ideal  of  cere- 
monial purity,  has  nothing  Christian  in  it;  and  con- 
versely the  Christian  propaganda  for  the  rescuing  of 
sinners  is  in  no  way  Essenic."  Harnack  states21  the 
fundamental  difference  between  Christianity,  or  rather 
Jesus,  and  the  Essenes  in  the  following  words :  "  The 
Essenes  made  a  point  of  the  most  extreme  purity  in 
the  eye  of  the  law,  and  held  severely  aloof  not  only 
from  the  impure  but  even  from  those  who  were  a  little 
lax  in  their  purity.  .  .  .  Jesus  exhibits  a  complete  con- 
trast with  this  mode  of  life,  he  goes  in  search  of  sin- 
ners and  eats  with  them.  So  fundamental  a  difference 
alone  makes  it  certain  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Essenes."  * 

Essenism,  which  Kuenen  describes  as  "  ascetic  com- 
munism," a  arose  toward  the  middle  of  the  second  pre- 

18  D.  vierte  B.  Ezra,  Ziirich,  1858,  p.  11;  Gunkel's  transl.  in 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  p.  336. 

"Cf.  Graetz:  Gesch.  d.  Juden.,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  274  ff  (Engl. 
ed.,  vol.  II,  pp.  142  ff). 

20  Hibbert  Lectures,  1882,  pp.  215  ff. 

21  What  is  Christianity?  p.  35. 

22  For  difference  bet.  Christianity  and  Essenism  see  Well- 
hausen's  Israelit.  u.  Jiidische  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1894,  p.  311;  cf. 
also  p.  312,  notes  2  and  3. 

23  Hibbert  Lectures,  1882,  pp.  218  f;  also  Lucius:  D.  Essen- 
ismus  in   seinem  Verhaltniss  zum   Judentum,   Strassburg, 
1881,  pp.  75  ff. 


188       CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM 

Christian  century  in  Palestine,  after  the  attempt  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  Hellenize  the  Jews.  Pliny 
tells  us  24  that  a  colony  of  Essenes  lived  near  the  town 
of  Engaddi,  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
isolated  from  the  world,  without  wives  and  without 
money,  having  the  palm  trees  (of  the  Jericho  plain) 
as  companions,  their  number  being  recruited  from  the 
multitudes  of  strangers  that  resort  thither  from  the 
misery  and  shipwreck  of  life — a  people  most  wonderful, 
inasmuch  as  its  history  goes  back  to  thousands  of 
ages."  What  we  know  of  the  Essenes  is  mostly  derived 
from  Philo's  "  De  Vita  Contemplativa,"  which,  on  the 
whole,  agrees  with  the  account  of  them  furnished  by 
Josephus.25  Graetz 26  and  Lucius 2T  assert  that  Philo 
could  not  have  been  the  author  of  the  treatise  ascribed 
to  him.  The  latter's  theory  is  that  it  was  written  dur- 
ing the  third  Christian  century  as  a  defense  against 
those  who  looked  with  disfavor  upon  the  ascetic  prac- 
tices of  many  of  the  early  Christians.  The  Philonic 
authorship  finds  a  champion  in  Friedlander,  who  dis- 
cerns the  hand  of  Philo  in  the  production.2*  A  moot 
question  is  the  origin  of  Essenism.  Some  assert  that 
the  Essenes  were  an  offshoot  from  the  Assidaean  party,"' 

24  Nat.  Hist.  5:16,  17. 

25  De  Bell.  Jud.,  Bk.  II,  chpt.  XVIII  1,  5;  VIII  4. 
20Gesch.  d.  Juden,  vol.  Ill,  p.  698;  ibid.,  note  10. 

27  D.  Therapeuten,  Strassburg,  1880;  also  Schiirer:  Theol. 
Literaturzeitung,  1880,  pp.  111-218. 

28  Zur  Entstehung  d.  Christenthums,  pp.  59  ff,  96. 

29  Cf.    "  D.    Essaer "    in    Frankel's   Ztschft,    vol.    Ill,    pp. 
441  ff;  ibid.,  vol.  II,  pp.  30  ff;  Graetz:    Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol. 
II,  pp.  16  ff ;   comp.  Geiger's  Jud.  Ztschft.,  vol.  XI,  p.  197, 
note  26;  ibid.,  vol.  IX,  pp.  32  ff. 


CHRISTIANITY,  BUDDHISM  AND  ESSENISM      189 

others  that  they  were  a  peculiar  outgrowth  of  Judaism 
influenced  by  Buddhism,  Parseeism,  but  especially  by 
Pythagoreanism.30 

30 Cf.  Toy:  Jud.  and  Christianity,  p.  219,  note  2;  also 
Herzfeld:  Gesch.  d.  V.  Jisrael,  pp.  382  ff;  Schiirer:  A  Hist, 
of  the  Jewish  People,  2d  ed.,  vol.  II,  pp.  205  ff. 


CHAPTER  X 
THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

The  fundamental  hope  of  Christianity,  at  its  birth, 
was,  undoubtedly,  the  establishment  of  the  Kingdom 
of  God.1  The  kingdom  was  to  rise  upon  the  ruins  of 
a  world,  degraded  and  degenerated,  and  become  the 
home  of  Saints  who,  henceforth,  will  live  in  everlasting 
felicity.  The  Kingdom  of  God,  or  of  Heaven,la  a 
phrase  very  common  in  the  New  Testament,  is  found 
in  a  circumscribed  form  in  the  Old  Testament,  where 
it  is  used  to  describe  not  a  locality,  but,  rather  a  con- 
dition, a  state  of  affairs  on  earth  when  the  Divine  Will 
will  be  the  supreme  law.  Thus,  we  read  in  Zech. 
(14:9,  280  B.  C.)  -jW>  «  nvn  inx  IDE>I  nnx  »  nvii 
Ninn  ova  pxn-1?^-^  "  And  JHVH  shall  be  King  over 
all  the  earth;  on  that  day  shall  JHVH  be  one  and  His 
name  one." 2  In  the  Maccabean-Psalm  (145 : 13)  we 
read: 

vn  in-bn  ^rA&jwi  D»»Vw  ^  rnnta  ^jnirfe 

"  Thy  kingdom  is  a  kingdom  throughout  the  ages, 
Thy  dominion  endures  for  ever  and  ever." 

JCf.  Wellhausen:  Israelit.  u.  Jlid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p. 
386. 

Ja  Some  derive  the  term  "  Kingdom  of  Heaven  "  from  Dan. 
7:17.  I  believe  rather  that  it  was  taken  from  Obadiah  (400- 
450  B.  C.),  verse  21:  naitan  »*?  nJVm  "And  the  King- 
dom shall  be  JHVH'S;  "  cf.  also  Jost:  Gesch.  d.  Jud.,  vol.  I, 
p.  387;  Herzfeld:  Gesch.  d.  V.  Jisrael,  vol.  II,  pp.  311  ff. 

2Cf.  Ps.  22:28  (c.  500  B.  C.). 


192    THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

The  New  Testament  teaching  concerning  the  King- 
dom of  Heaven  connects  itself  with  the  large  ideas  of 
the  Old  Testament,  that  took  their  rise  in  the  univer- 
salistic  conceptions  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  Prophets.3 

The  eschatology  of  the  Synoptics  deals  with  the 
consummation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.  As  the 
Kingdom  will  owe  its  origin  to  God's  chosen  messenger, 
the  Messiah,  so  it  will  owe  to  Him  the  final  consum- 
mation. 

The  prophecy  of  Jesus'  second  coming  appears  in 
connection  with  his  statement  concerning  his  approach- 
ing death.  Having  foretold  his  death  (Mark  8:31) 
he  speaks  of  his  return  (ibid.,  8 :  38)  "  And  he  began  to 
teach  them  that  the  son  of  man4  must  suffer  many 
things,  and  be  rejected  by  the  elders  and  the  chief - 
priests  and  the  scribes,  and  be  killed,  and  after  three 
days  rise  again/'  "  For  whosoever  shall  be  ashamed 
of  me  and  of  my  words  in  this  adulterous  and  sinful 
generation,  the  son  of  man  also  shall  be  ashamed  of 
him,  when  he  comes  in  the  glory  of  his  Father  with 

8  Cf .  Sandy's  art.,  "  Jesus  Christ,"  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the 
Bible,  vol.  II;  Harnack:  What  is  Christianity?  p.  56. 

4  "  The  very  expression,  '  Son  of  man  '  (that  Jesus  used  it 
is  beyond  question)  seems  to  me  to  be  intelligible  only  in  a 
Messianic  sense"  (Harnack:  What  is  Christianity?  p.  140) ; 
Wellhausen,  on  the  other  hand,  claims  that  Jesus  never  used 
that  term,  but  that  it  was  put  in  his  mouth  by  the  later  edi- 
tors of  the  Gospel.  Cf.  Skizzen  u.  Vorarbeiten,  Berl.,  1899, 
pp.  187  ff.  Driver  (art.  Son  of  Man,  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the 
B.,  vol.  IV,  p.  587b)  agrees  with  Harnack:  "He  adopted  it 
as  a  mere  shell  or  form,  suggestive  of  his  humanity,  into 
which  he  threw  a  new  import  and  content  of  his  own."  Cf. 
Wellhausen:  Israelit.  u.  Jiidische  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p.  387, 
note. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      193 

he  holy  angels."    Repeatedly  Jesus  declares  to  his 
ollowers  that  they  would  not  taste  death  before  having 

witnessed  the  Parousia. 

i 

The  early  Christians  firmly  believed  in  a  life  beyond, 
nd  that  a  foretaste  of  its  beatitude  was  at  hand  in 
he  millennium  which  would  begin,  in  their  judgment, 
•efore  their  generation  had  passed  away.  At  any 
noment  they  were  prepared  to  behold  in  the  sky  the 
ign  which  was  to  foretell  the  Parousia.5  It  was  the 
ommon  belief  ere  the  rise  of  Christianity  that  an 
wful  world-catastrophe  would  precede  the  establish- 
lent  of  the  kingdom.5* 

°Matt.  10:23;  24:3-14,  29-31;  Mark  14:62;  Luke  12:40, 
1:31. 

5a  "  In  the  last  days  perilous  times  shall  come"  (II  Tim. 
:1).  "  But  the  day  of  the  Lord  will  come  as  a  thief,  when 
le  heavens  shall  pass  away  with  great  noise,  and  the  heav- 
ily bodies  shall  be  dissolved  with  great  heat  and  the  earth 
nd  the  works  that  are  therein  shall  be  burned  up  "  (II 
eter  3:10);  cf.  also  Deane  (Pseudepigrapha,  Edinburgh, 
391,  p.  13),  who  states:  "Throughout  all  the  apocalyptic 
Doks  the  advent  of  the  second  age  is  to  be  ushered  in  by 
:traordinary  calamities  consequent  on  excessive  moral  evil, 
id  characterized  by  an  universal  degeneracy  alike  in  ani- 
al  and  vegetable  life."  Cf.  also  Edwards:  "  Buddha's  Ser- 
on  on  the  End  of  the  World,"  in  Open  Court,  Chicago, 
ily,  1901;  also  Daniel,  who  speaks  (12:1)  of  a  time  of 
ouble  and  trial  (rm  ni».  The  references  to  the  ^3rl 
G?Dn  (the  suffering  Messiah)  are  many.  Wise  correctly 
)inted  out  (Martyrdom  of  Jesus,  Cine.,  1888,  pp.  148  ff)  and 
autzsch  (Art.  Messiah  in  Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl.,  vol.  Ill, 
3063)  that  ITt^D  ^in  refers  to  the  sufferings  of  the 
jople  that  would  precede  the  coming  of  the  Messianic  time, 
i  the  Talm.  Sanhedrin  98b  we  find  that  man  may  be  saved 
om  those  sufferings  if  he  be  busy  with  the  study  of  the 

13 


194    THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

Associated  with  the  doctrine  of  the  Parousia  is  thai 
of  the  Final  Judgment.6b  This  judgment  is  presentee 
as  the  object  of  the  coming,  and  it  occupies  a  place  oJ 
like  prominence  in  Christ's  teaching.6  Christ,  the  sor 
of  man,  is  to  be  the  Judge/  When  he  comes,  every 
thing  is  to  be  changed  in  a  moment,  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye  at  the  sound  of  the  great  trumpet.8  Th< 
true  believers  are  to  be  caught  up  in  heaven,  and  place( 
upon  thrones  provided  for  them.  The  unbelievers  art 
to  be  cast  into  a  sea  of  fire  and  brimstone.  God  ha 
sent  His  son  upon  earth  to  reveal  the  one  true  ligh 
and  establish  miraculously  the  Kingdom  of  Heaver 
"  Eepent  ye  for  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  is  at  hand," 
is  the  message  Jesus  sent  forth  the  disciples  to  preacr 

Torah  and  the  practice  of  charity.  Cf.  4  Ezra  5:9;  6:24 
15:5;  16:22,23;  Baruch  27:2-6;  48:32.  The  Sibylline  Oraclf 
(Blass'  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A  u.  P.,  vol.  II);  Mishna 
Sotah  IX:  15;  Talm.  Sanhedrin  89a,  95a,  97a;  Hamburgei 
Real  Encycl.,  "  Mess.  Leidenszeit,"  III,  pp.  735  ff ;  "  Jewis 
Conception  of  a  Suffering  Messiah "  in  Yale  Bicentenni, 
Publ.,  N.  Y.,  1901,  pp.  204  ff ;  Schiirer:  A  Hist,  of  the  Jewis 
People,  2d  ed.,  II,  vol.  II,  pp.  184  ff. 

Bb  On  "  The  Day  of  JHVH  "  see  "  Eschatology  "  in  Has 
ings'  Diet,  of  the  B.,  vol.  I,  p.  376;  Smith:  Prophets,  2d  ec 
p.    131  f,    379    note    15;    Briggs:    Mess.    Proph.,   pp.    487  f 
Schultz:  Alttest  Theol.,  pp.  728  ff;  Duff:  O.  T.  Theol.,  p.  8r 
Dillmann:   Alttest  Theol.,  p.  504;  Bennett:   O.  T.  Theol., 
81;  Marti:  Gesch.  d.  Isr.  Rel.,  pp.  114  f;  140;  180-186;  Val 
ton:  Amos  u.  Hosea,  p.  220,  n.  94;  Cheyne:  Isaiah  in  P. 
(Engl.  transl.),  p.  132,  n.  7;  Grimm:  Euphemistic  Liturgic 
Appendixes,  Balto.,  1901,  p.  84. 

6  Matt.  22:1-14;  13:36-42;  47:50;   16:27;  25:31. 

7  Matt.   25:31;    John   5:22;    Acts   17:30-32;    II   Tim.   4: 
James  5:7-10. 

8  Matt.  24 : 27-32.  "  Matt.  4 : 17. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      195 

"  And  as  ye  go,  preach,  saying,  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven 
is  at  hand."  10 

The  Messiah  now  assumes  a  position  unknown  in 
the  past;  for  membership  in  the  Kingdom  is  had 
through  personal  relationship  to  the  Messiah.  The 
Kingdom  of  God  is  the  goal  of  Jesus'  activity,  the  reali- 
zation of  the  Kingdom,  according  to  the  conception  of 
Jesus,  will  take  place  in  the  future  through  God,  but 
the  beginning  of  it  is  in  the  present.11  In  the  presence 
of  the  Kingdom  of  God  all  other  teachings  of  Jesus 
seem  of  minor  importance.12  The  qualifications  neces- 
sary for  admission  into  the  Kingdom,  as  enumerated  in 
the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  are  purely  ethical  and 
spiritual.  Harnack  states  that  Jesus'  message  of  the 
Kingdom  runs  through  all  the  forms  and  statements 
of  the  prophecy  which,  taking  its  color  from  the  Old 
Testament,  announces  the  day  of  Judgment  and  the 
visible  government  of  God  in  the  future,  up  to  the 
idea  of  an  inward  coming  of  the  Kingdom,  starting 
with  Jesus'  message  and  then  beginning.  His  message 
embraces  these  two  poles,  with  many  stages  between 
them  that  shade  off  into  one  another.  At  the  one  pole 
the  coming  of  the  Kingdom  seems  to  be  a  purely  future 
event,  and  the  Kingdom  itself  to  be  the  external  rule 
of  God;  at  another,  it  appears  as  something  inward, 
something  which  is  already  present  and  making  its 
entrance  at  the  moment.  Neither  the  conception  of 
the  Kingdom  of  God  nor  the  way  in  which  its  coming 

10  Matt.  10:7. 

11  Cf.  Wellhausen:    Israelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p. 
386;  also  Lagarde:  Mittheil.,  IV,  Gott.,  1891,  p.  308. 

12  Matt.  4:17;  6:10;  13:40-50. 


196    THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

is  represented  is  free  from  ambiguity .12a  Wellhausen's 
view,  that  by  the  Kingdom  Jesus  could  understand 
nothing  else  but  what  the  people  of  his  time  under- 
stood by  it,  and  that  he  might  as  well  have  said — the 
day  of  the  Lord  or  the  judgment  is  near  at  hand,  and 
that  Jesus  did  not  come  as  the  Messiah,  or  as  one  who 
is  to  fulfill  a  prophecy,  but  that  he  came  as  a  prophet 
and  that  his  message  was  but  at  first  a  prophecy,  is 
not  attested  to  by  the  text.13  Thus,  when  John  the 
Baptist  sent  his  disciples  to  Jesus  and  said :  "  Art  thou 
he  that  should  come,  or  are  we  to  look  for  another  ?  '•' 
Jesus  replied :  "  Go  your  way  and  tell  John  the  things 
which  you  do  hear  and  see.  The  blind  receive  theii 
sight  .  .  .  and  the  dead  are  raised  up,  and  the  pooi 
have  good  tidings  preached  to  them.  And  blessed  is 
he  whosoever  shall  find  no  occasion  of  stumbling  ii 
me  "  (Matt.  11 :  3-6).  In  another  passage  we  find  Jesu^ 
commending  Peter  for  seeing  in  him  the  Messiah.18' 
"  And  he  (Jesus)  asked  them  (his  disciples)  '  but  wh( 
say  ye  that  I  am? '  Peter  answered  and  said  unto  him 
<  thou  art  the  Christ '  "  (Mark  8 :  29,  30) . 

"  The  Kingdom  of  God  comes  not  with  observation 

12a  Cf.  Harnack:  What  is  Christianity?  p.  56. 

13  Cf.  Wellhausen:  Israelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p 
380;  also  Nestle  Philologia  Sacra,  Berl.,  1896,  p.  50. 

13aCf.  Weisz  (D.  Leben  Jesu,  Berl.,  1888,  vol.  I,  pp.  273  ff) 
who  believes  that  Jesus  from  the  beginning  regarded  him 
self  as  the  Messiah;  Harnack  (What  is  Christianity?  p.  140 
substantially  agrees  to  this;  comp.  John  4:25,  26;  11:25,  26 
also  Stade:  Akad.  Reden,  Giessen,  1899,  p.  91;cf.  Max  Muel 
ler.  The  Divine  and  the  Human  in  Rel.  Open  Courl 
Chicago,  May,  1891. 


OF 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      197 

neither  shall  they  say,  lo,  here!  or,  there,  for  lo,  the 
Kingdom  of  God  is  within  you  "  (Luke  17  :  20b,  21)." 

That  the  kingdom  is  present  in  some  form  follows 
likewise  from  Matt.  6  :  33.  "  But  seek  ye  first  his 
kingdom,  and  his  righteousness;  and  all  these  things 
shall  be  added  unto  you."  "  Enter  ye  in  by  the  nar- 
row gate;  for  wide  is  the  gate,  and  broad  is  the  way 
that  leadeth  to  destruction,  and  many  be  they  that 
enter  in  thereby.  For  narrow  is  the  gate,  and  strait- 
ened the  way,  that  leadeth  unto  life,  and  few  be  they 
that  find  it  (Matt.  7:13,  14).  Again,  the  fact  that 
the  kingdom  is  already  present  is  presupposed  by  many 
of  the  parables.  Thus,  in  the  parables  of  the  mustard 
seed  (Matt.  13:  31-34)  and  of  the  leaven,  the  Kingdom 
is  represented  as  spreading  intensely  and  extensively.15 

The  other  conception  of  Jesus  concerning  the  King- 
dom is  projected  into  the  future  for  its  consummation. 
This  view  seems  to  be  more  in  accord  with  the  spirit 
of  all  his  ethical  teachings  and  moral  sayings.18  "  My 
Kingdom  is  not  of  this  world;  if  my  Kingdom  were  of 
this  world,  then  would  my  servants  fight,  that  I  should 
not  be  delivered  to  the  Jews:  but  now  is  my  Kingdom 
not  from  hence  "  (John  18  :  36).  The  Kingdom  repre- 
sents to  Jesus  the  truer  and  more  complete  life.  He 
is  fond  of  bringing  out  that  meaning  by  contrasting 
:his  life  with  the  life  to  come.  "  For  whosoever  would 
save  his  life  shall  lose  it;  and  whosoever  shall  lose  his 
life  for  my  sake  and  the  gospel's  shall  save  it.  For 

14  Cf.  Harnack:  What  is  Christianity?  p.  58. 

15  Cf.  Charles:    Doct.  of  a  Future  Life,  London,  1899,  pp. 
516  ff. 

16  Cf.  Kuenen:  Bible  for  Learners,  Boston,  1879;  vol.  Ill, 
>p.  150  ff. 


198      THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

what  does  it  profit  a  man  to  gain  the  whole  world  and 
forfeit  his  life"  (Mark  8:35,  36).  Jesus  uses  "enter 
into  life  "  "  and  "  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of  God  "18 
as  interchangeable  phrases.  'Thus  we  read  in  Mark 
9 :  43,  "And  if  thy  hand  cause  thee  to  stumble,  cut  it 
off;  it  is  good  for  thee  to  enter  life  maimed,  rather 
than  having  thy  two  hands  to  go  into  Gehenna."  ] 

As  the  New  Testament  conception  of  the  Kingdom 
of  God  finds  its  prototype  in  the  catholic  ideas  of  the 
Old  Testament,  so  Messianism  may  be  traced  to  the 
same  source.  That  the  Christian  faith  in  a  Messiah  is 
rooted  in  Judaism,  is  the  opinion  of  Bauer.20  The 
term  n^D  "  anointed  "  is  often  used  in  Old  Testament 
Scriptures  as  a  synonym  for  king,  the  king  was 
"  JHVITS  anointed  "  m?v  W»  Thus  David,  referring 
to  the  killing  of  Saul,  asks  the  Amalekite :  "  How 
wast  thou  not  afraid  to  put  forth  thine  hand  to  de- 
stroy JHVH'S  anointed."  2°a  "Now,  I  know  that 
JHVH  saves  His  anointed,"  sings  the  author  of  the 
twentieth  Psalm.2°b  In  time  of  foreign  oppression  he 
who  was  chosen  to  be  JHVH'S  instrument  for  deliver- 
ing the  Israelitish  nation  was  also  called  JHVH'S 
anointed.2"0  When  Jehojakim  had  become  the  vassal 
of  Babylon  (605  B.  C.)  Jeremiah  urges  him  to  submit 

17  df  rrjv  C.UTJV  eia&fielv. 

18  elae^£iv  ei£  TTJV  fiaaikeiav  rov  Qeov. 
19Comp.  ibid.,  9:47. 

20  Dogmatengesch.,  vol.  I,  p.  141;  also  Geiger's  Ztschf.,  vol. 
Ill,  pp.  43  ff. 

2°aCf.  I  Sam.  24:6  (c.  900  B.  C.) ;  comp.  I  Sam.  2:10; 
12:3,  5;  16:6;  Lam.  4:20. 

^20:6  (c.  400  B.  C.);  comp.  Ps.  2:2;  28:8;  132:17;  18.51. 

"Ocisa.  41:2-7  (549-539  B.  C.);  ibid.,  44:23-45;  46:11-13; 
also  Talm.  Berachoth  34b. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      199 

to  the  King  of  Babylon,  who  was  JHVH'S  chosen  rod 
to  chastise  Egypt.  "  Thus  saith  JHVH  .  .  .  Behold, 
I  will  send  and  take  Nebuchadnezzar  the  King  of 
Babylon,  my  servant,  and  will  set  his  throne  upon  these 
stones  that  I  have  hid;  and  he  shall  spread  his  royal 
pavilion  over  them.  And  he  shall  come  and  smite  the 
land  of  Egypt."  2°d  Jeremiah  speaks  of  Nebuchadnez- 
zar as  "JHVH'S  servant"  and  Isajah  calls  Cyrus 
"JHVIFS  anointed."21  "Thus  says  JHVH  to  His 
anointed,  to  Cyrus."  :  But  the  New  Testament  con- 
ception of  a  Messiah  as  a  Eedeemer  from  sin  is  foreign 
to  the  Old  Testament.  After  the  Hasmonean  dynas- 
ty23 failed  to  realize  the  high  flown  expectations  that 
are  voiced  by  the  author  of  Daniel  (163  B.  C.),24  the 
Messiah  conception,  heretofore  political  and  national, 
assumes  a  supernatural  character,  slowly  and  gradually 
developing  through  the  Apocalyptic  literature  into  the 
Messiah  of  the  New  Testament.  Thus  in  the  Psalter 
of  Solomon  (63-45  B.  C.)  the  messianic  hopes  are  most 
intense.25  The  Messiah  is  David's  son  and  the  King 
of  Israel,  his  task  it  is  to  expell  the  heathens  from 
Jerusalem  and  cleanse  the  city  from  its  abominations, 
then  he  will  found  in  Jerusalem  a  kingdom  for  the 
just  and  holy.  Into  this  kingdom  strangers  are  not 
admitted,  only  law-abiding  Jews.  Then  he  subjugates 

2°d43:10,  lla  (586  B.  C.).  2145:1  (545-539  B.  C.). 

22  Cf.  Halevy:  "  Cyrus  "  in  Revue  des  Etudes  Juives,  Paris, 
July,  1880;  also  Cassel:  Gesch.  d.  Jiid.  Lit.,  Berl.,  1872,  pp. 
323  ff ;  Cheyne's  crit.  notes  to  Engl.  transl.  of  Isaiah  in  P.  B., 
p.  175,  note  1.  23 167: 37  B.  C. 

"7:27;  9:26,  27;  11:40  ff;  comp.  Ps.  149;  also  Jost:  Gesch. 
d.  Judent.,  vol.  II,  pp.  172  ff. 

a17:21ff;  18:5-9, 


200    THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

all  the  heathens,  who  then  voluntarily  accept  his  rule. 
All  this  he  accomplished  with  the  aid  of  God,  and 
while  free  from  sin  and  filled  with  the  holy  spirit,  so 
that  his  words  seem  like  the  words  of  the  angels.26  In 
the  Book  of  Henoch  (70-60  B.  C.)  much  is  said  about 
the  judgeship  of  the  Messiah.  Henoch  sees  the  son 
of  man,  i.  e.  the  Messiah,  sitting  at  the  side  of  God.27 
An  angel  explains  the  vision  to  mean  that  the  son  of 
man  will  judge  the  godless.28  In  the  succeeding  chap- 
ters the  nature  of  the  Messiah  is  dwelled  upon;  he  is 
pre-existent.29  Side  by  side  with  these  views,  the  old 
conception  of  the  Messiah  as  a  deliverer  and  as  a  scion 
of  the  Davidic  dynasty  reappears  when  the  hand  of  the 
conqueror  is  heavy  upon  the  nation.  Thus  the  republican 
zealots,  the  followers  of  Judas,  the  Galilean,  expect  the 
Messiah  to  do  nothing  else  but  to  end  the  power  of 
Rome  and  to  re-establish  the  Golden  Age  of  the  House 
of  David.30  This  is  supported  by  a  statement  found  in 
Josephus,3°a  that  the  Jews  derived  their  strongest  in- 
spiration to  rise  against  Rome  from  a  prophecy  which 
promised  that  one  of  their  own  would  become  the  ruler 
of  the  whole  world. 

26  Cf.  Kittel's  Einl.  to  his  new  transl.  of  the  Ps.  of  Sol.  in 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  p.  129. 

"Chpts.  45-57;  cf.  Beer's  Einl.  to  his  new  transl.  of 
Henoch  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  p.  222;  also  J.  Flem- 
ming:  D.  B.  Henoch,  Lpzg.,  1902. 

28  Chpt  46.  29  Chpts.  48,  49. 

30  Cf.  Graetz:  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  p.  144;  also  Stade: 
Akademische  Reden,  Giessen,  1899,  p.  41;  also  Huidekoper: 
Judaism  at  Rome,  N.  Y.,  1888,  pp.  134  f. 

3°aBell.  Jud.,  Bk.VI,  5:4;  cf.  also  Tacitus:  Hist,  5:13; 
Sueton:  Vesp.,  chpt.  IV;  Graetz:  Volksthiimliche  Gesch.  d. 
Juden.,  vol.  I,  p.  570. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      201 

The  School  of  Shammai  (10-80  C.  E.),  though  favor- 
ing the  political  role  of  the  Messiah,  pictured  the 
Messianic  age  as  a  time  of  strict  observance  of  religious 
rites  and  of  profoundest  moral  purity.  The  School  of 
Hillel,  contemporary  of  the  School  of  Shammai,  held 
aloof  from  all  political  intrigue  regarding  the  Messiah 
as  the  Prince  of  Peace.81  But  all  are  agreed  that  the 
Messiah  must  be  a  scion  of  David;  this  explaines  why 
"  the  son  of  David  "  became  the  synonym  for  Messiah." 

The  most  idealistic  turn  to  the  Messianic  conception 
was  given  by  the  Essenes.  Their  life  having  for  its 
goal  the  advancement  of  the  Messianic  age,  they  were 
of  the  opinion  that  the  practice  of  ascetic  rites  would 
hasten  its  coming.  They  conceived  the  Messiah  as  a 
great  Moral  Eeformer  who  would  search  out  the  evil 
and  bring  about  its  removal,  then  he  would  establish  a 
society  among  men  that  would  be  permeated  with  the 
ideals  of  altruism.  The  asceticism  they  practised  was 
to  be  a  kind  of  antidote  against  the  degeneracy  that 
was  common  in  their  day.83  "Of  all  the  Utopias," 
says  Carus,  "born  of  those  aspirations  towards  a  new 
state  of  mankind,  intended  to  realize  what  before  was 
only  image  and  prophecy,  the  most  original  was  incon- 
testably  the  attempt  of  the  religious  and  monastic  sect 

31  Cf.  Graetz:  Hist  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  p.  144. 

32  Cf.   Herzfeld:    Gesch.    d.   Volkes   Jisrael:    Nordhausen, 
1857,  vol.  I,  183;  vol.  II,  311-333;  353-355;  506-509;  Geiger: 
Das  Judent.  u.  seine  Gesch.,  Breslau,  1864,  pp.  117  ff;  Stein: 
Die  Schrift  d.  Lebens  Mannheim,  1872,  pt.  I,  chpt.  XVI; 
Graetz:  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  pp.  95,  143-145;  Gesch.  d. 
Juden.,  Lpzg.,  1888,  4th  ed.,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  59,  273  ff. 

33  Cf.  Graetz:   Hist  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  pp.  144  f;   also 
Geiger:  Judische  Ztsch.,  vol.  Ill  (1864-65),  pp.  35  ff. 


202    THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH 

of  the  Essenes." '  The  ancient  world  had  become  so 
corrupt  in  manners  and  morals  that  the  Essenes  looked 
for  speedy  intervention  on  the  part  of  Providence.  It 
was  John  the  Baptist,  a  member  of  the  Essenic  com- 
munity,, who  at  the  banks  of  the  Jordan  preached  the 
coming  of  the  Kingdom  of  God.  "  In  those  days 
came  John  the  Baptist,  preaching  in  the  wilderness  of 
Juda3a/'  saying,  "  Eepent  ye,  for  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven  is  at  hand  "  (Matt.  3:1,2.)  It  seemed  to  have 
been  the  intention  of  the  Baptist  to  form  a  community 
of  followers,  and  thus  in  a  practical  way  further  the 
goal  of  his  fraternity — the  establishment  of  the  King- 
dom. As  the  first  step  he  required  repentance,  and 
baptism  is  to  be  its  outward  symbol.  Herod  Antipas, 
the  Prince  of  Galilee,  looked  upon  the  Baptist's  efforts 
with  aversion  and  alarm,  discerning  in  them  the  germ 
of  rebellion.  This  led  him  to  order  the  arrest  of  John 
the  Baptist,  whom  he  secretly  had  conveyed  to  Machae- 
rus,  where  later  he  was  beheaded. 

Jesus,  who  must  have  heard  of  the  preaching  of 
John,33  came  directly  from  Galilee  to  the  Jordan  unto 
John  to  be  baptized  of  him.39  After  John's  death 
Jesus,  whose  enthusiasm  had  brought  him  to  John  to 
be  baptized  and  who  was  now  deeply  moved  by  his 
death,  took  up  the  work  in  the  manner  of  John, 
proclaiming  "Eepent  ye,  for  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven 
is  at  hand"  (Matt.  4:17b). 

The  Messiah  of  Jesus  differs  from  the  Messiah  as 
conceived  in  Old  Testament  literature  and  in  the  Jew- 
ish Apocalyptic  literature.  For,  according  to  Jesus, 

34  Cf.  Cams:  Buddhism  and  its  Christian  Critics,  Chicago, 
1899,  p.  207.  35Comp.  Matt.  3:7.  38Cf.  Matt.  3:13. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  GOD  AND  THE  MESSIAH      203 

the  Messiah  will  meet  a  violent  death  by  the  hands  of 
others : 37  "  The  son  of  man  shall  be  delivered  up 
into  the  hands  of  men;  and  they  shall  kill  him  "  (Matt. 
17:22,  23a).  Then,  the  Messiah  will  not  be  accord- 
ing to  Jesus  the  harbinger  of  peace,  of  which  the  world 
was  so  much  in  need,  but  he  will  bring  the  sword: 
"  Think  not  that  I  came  to  send  peace,  but  a  sword. 
For  I  came  to  set  a  man  at  variance  against  his  father, 
and  the  daughter  against  her  mother,  and  the  daughter- 
in-law  against  here  mother-in-law"  (Matt.  10:34,  35). 
Contrast  with  the  Messianic  conception  of  Jesus  the 
conception  held  by  R.  Jochanan  ben  Saccai,  who  lived 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  first  Christian  century: 
"  The  prophet  Elijah  (i.  e.  the  Messiah)  shall  not  come 
to  declare  anything  clean  or  unclean,  nor  to  disqualify 
persons  who  are  believed  to  be  qualified  for  joining 
the  congregation  of  the  Lord,  but  he  will  come  to 
establish  peace  on  earth,  as  expressed  in  Malachi  (4:  6). 
"  He  shall  turn  the  heart  of  the  fathers  to  the  children, 
and  the  heart  of  the  children  to  their  fathers."' 
Then  the  parable  (Matt.  4:1-11)  which  presents  Jesus 
as  being  tempted  of  the  devil  in  the  wilderness  and 
gives  him  power  over  Satan,  represents  a  side  of  the 
Messiah's  activity  that  is  foreign  to  Jewish  sources: 
"  Then  was  Jesus  led  up  of  the  spirit  into  the  wilder- 
ness to  be  tempted  of  the  devil "  .  .  .  "  Then  saith 
Jesus  unto  him,  '  Get  thee  hence,  Satan;  for  it  is 
written,  thou  shalt  worship  the  Lord  thy  God,  and 
Him  only  shalt  thou  serve.'  Then  the  devil  leaveth 
him." 

37  Cf.  Gilbert:  The  Revelations  of  Jesus,  N.  Y.,  1899,  p.  58. 
^Mishna  Eduyoth  8:7. 


CHAPTEE  XI 
PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY 

Paul's  influence  upon  the  course  of  the  Primitive 
Christian  Church  was  great  and  far-reaching.  The 
many-sided  activity  of  the  Apostle  to  the  Heathen  left 
an  imperishable  impress  upon  the  development  of  the 
new  religion.1  Like  Jesus,  Paul  gives  prominence  to 
the  eschatological  element  of  religion;  indeed,  he  lays 
more  stress  upon  it  than  Jesus.  This  fact  may  be 
explained"  from  the  circumstance  that  while  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  Jesus  raised  the  religious  enthusiasts  to  the 
very  highest  pitch  of  faith,  some  began  to  doubt  the 
Parousia.  Paul,  in  his  first  letter  to  the  Thessalonians 
(4: 16,  17)  dwells  explicitly  upon  this  point:  "For  the 
Lord  (Jesus)  himself  shall  descend  from  heaven,  when 
the  call  comes,  and  the  voice  of  the  archangel  and  the 
trumpet  resounds;  and  first  will  rise  the  dead  in 
Christ,  then  we  that  are  still  alive,  and  left,  shall  to- 

>Cf.  Orello  Cone:  Paul,  N.  Y.,  1898;  H.  J.  Holtzmann: 
Einl.  i.  d.  N.  T.,  Freiburg,  1892,  pp.  207  ff;  Pfleiderer:  Der 
Paulinismus,  Berl.,  1890,  2d  ed.;  Sabatier  L'apotre:  Paul, 
1882;  P.  Chr.  Baur:  "  Paulus  "  in  Tiibinger  Ztsehft.  f.  Theol.. 
1845;  Hausrath:  D.  Apostel  P.,  1872;  Krenkel:  "Paul,  der 
Apostel  d.  Heiden,"  1869;  Jiilicher:  Einl.  i.  d.  N.  T.,  Lpzg., 
1894,  pp.  19  ff;  Bleek:  Introd.  to  N.  T.,  Edinb.,  1893,  vol.  I, 
pp.  381  ff;  vol.  II,  pp.  Iff;  Winer  Real  W.  B.  art.  Paulus; 
Findlay's  art.  "  Paul  the  Apostle  "  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the 
B.,  vol.  Ill;  Addi's  art.  "Flesh"  in  Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl., 
vol.  II;  Hirsch:  Religionsphil.,  Lpzg.,  1842,  pp.  723-786; 
Graetz:  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  pp.  223,  365,  373;  Ed.  v. 
Hartmann :  Das  rel.  Bewusstsein,  1882,  pp.  209  ff. 


206  PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY 

gether  with  them  be  caught  up  in  the  clouds,  to  meet 
the  Lord  in  the  air,  and  so  shall  we  ever  be  with  the 
Lord."  The  Thessalonians,  to  whom  these  words  are 
addressed,  were  recent  converts  of  Paul  and  felt  strongly 
on  the  subject  of  "  the  second  coming,"  especially  as 
to  the  fate  of  those  who  had  died  before  the  establish- 
ment of  Christ's  rule  on  earth.  The  coming  of  Jesus 
is  one  of  PauFs  favorite  topics,  and  the  preparation  of 
men  for  entrance  into  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  is 
always  near  to  the  heart  of  the  Apostle.  The  Jewish 
idea  of  the  Kingdom,  the  perfect  divine  rule  on  earth 
to  be  established  by  the  Messiah,  which  was  adopted 
and  spiritualized  by  Jesus,  lies  at  the  basis  of  the 
Pauline  system.2  Thus  the  doctrine  of  Eesurrection, 
i.  e.  participation  in  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  has  its 
point  of  culmination  in  the  Pauline  Eschatology. 
Paul's  absorption  of  interest  in  the  doctrine  of  "  final 
things "  seems  to  have  made  him  indifferent  to  the 
things  of  this  life.  But  Paul  thus  overlooks  the  great 
and  pregnant  truth,  that  man  lives  not  for  religion 
alone,  but  that  religion  is  to  form  the  motive  power 
leading  man  to  work  out  his  existence  on  the  noblest 
and  highest  plane.  In  laying  much  stress  upon  the  fu- 
ture salvation  of  the  individual,  he  loses  sight  of  the 
happiness  of  human  society  here  on  earth. 

Paul  connects  the  end  of  the  world  with  the  coming 
of  Christ.3  To  Paul  the  person  of  Christ  was  central 
and  vital  in  the  apprehension  of  Christianity.  All  that 
his  new  faith  signified  to  him  of  relief  from  the  op- 
pression of  the  Mosaic  law  and  from  the  burden  of  sin, 

2  Cf.  Findlay's  art.  "  Doctrine  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  "  in 
Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  B.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  728. 
3Cf.  II  Cor.  5:10,  11. 


PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY  207 

and  all  that  it  held  of  hope  for  his  own  regeneration 
and  that  of  mankind  was  contained  in  his  concept  of 
the  exalted  Lord  of  glory.4 

Paul's  theology  may  be  summarized  in  the  following 
passages :  "  Therefore  as  through  one  man  sin  entered 
the  world,  and  death  through  sin ;  and  so  death  has  been 
extended  to  all  men,  because  all  had  sinned,  for  sin 
was  in  the  world  already  before  the  Law,  but  sin  is  not 
imputed  when  there  is  no  Law.  Nevertheless  death 
reigned  from  Adam  until  Moses,  even  over  them  that 
had  not  sinned  in  the  manner  of  the  transgression  of 
Adam,  who  is  the  image  of  him  that  was  to  come.  But 
no,  it  is  by  the  gift  of  grace  not  as  by  the  trespass,  if 
by  the  trespass  of  the  one  many  died,  the  grace  of 
God  and  the  gift  by  grace  of  the  one  man  Jesus  Christ, 
abound  to  many  "  (Eomans  5 : 12-15). 

Now  if  it  is  preached  concerning  Christ,  that  he  has 
been  raised  from  the  dead,  how  say  some  among  you 
that  there  is  no  resurrection  of  the  dead"  (I  Cor. 
15:12). 

That  death  4a  came  into  the  world  as  the  result  of 
Adam's  sin,  is  the  pivot  on  which  PauFs  whole  scheme 
of  salvation  turns.  The  whole  inner  life  of  Paul 
hinged  upon  the  contrast  between  Law  and  faith,  sin 
and  grace,  flesh  and  spirit,  Adam  and  Christ.5  "  For 

4Cf.  Holtzmann:  Einl.,  p.  87. 

4aThe  Roman  philosophers  taught  that  death  was  a  law 
of  nature,  not  a  punishment.  The  Fathers  regarded  it  as 
a  penal  infliction  introduced  on  account  of  the  sin  of  Adam. 
Cf.  Lecky:  Hist  of  European  Morals,  N.  Y.,  1890,  vol.  I,  p. 
208. 

5Cf.  Cone:  Paul,  p.  179;  Immer.  Theol.  d.  N.  T.,  Bonn, 
1877,  pp.  205  ff. 


208  PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY 

as  in  Adam  all  die,  so  also  in  the  Christ  shall  all  be 
made  alive  "  (I  Cor.  15 :  22).  "  Now,  this  I  say,  breth- 
ren, that  flesh  and  blood  cannot  inherit  the  Kingdom 
of  God,  neither  does  corruption  inherit  incorruption  " 
(I  Cor.  15:50). 

According  to  Paul,  by  Adam's  disobedience  the 
power  of  sin  was  evoked,  and  the  floodgates  of  iniquity 
unbarred.  Caird,  a  modern  Christian  Theologian, 
states :  "  The  first  transgression  poisoned  human 
nature  at  the  root."  Ga  Man  lapsed  in  consequence  of 
Adam's  sin  into  a  state  of  dense  ignorance,  and  of 
moral  degeneration.  The  death  that  follows  Adam's 
disobedience,  henceforth,  is  to  be  the  heritage  of 
Adam's  posterity. 

The  Biblical  narrative  of  the  Fall  as  interpreted  by 
Paul  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans8  seems  to  teach 
that  the  entail  of  moral  is  as  universal  as  that  of 
physical  evil.7  That  death  was,  primarily,  due  to  man's 
own  sinfulness,  seems  to  have  been  Paul's  view,  if  we 
study  what  he  has  to  say  about  man's  physical  nature, 
Man  has  no  power  to  refrain  from  sin,  for  his  fleshly 
nature,  and  his  evil  inclination 8  are  more  powerful 

Ba  Fundamental  Ideas  of  Christianity,  Glasgow,  1899,  vol. 
I,  p.  205;  also  Augustine:  De  civit.  Dei. 

6Cf.  Rom.  5:12ff. 

TCf.  Caird:  Fund.  Ideas  of  Christianity,  vol.  I,  p.  212. 

8  In  Rabbinical  literature  1^  is  hardly  other  than  a 
name  for  man's  evil  inclinations  or  tendencies.  "  God  is 
always  regarded  as  the  creator  of  the  evil  1^  This  appears 
to  be  the  most  radical  departure  from  the  basal  texts  (Gen 
6:5;  8:21  J),  in  which  IV*  seems  to  be  a  man's  own  shaping 
of  his  thoughts  or  character.  Yet  the  second  text  (8:21) 
suggests  a  certain  innateness  of  the  1^  and  the  belief  thai 
God  made  it  agrees  with  the  O.  T.  and  Jewish  view,  whicl 


PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY  209 

than  man's  natural  reason.  Flesh  and  spirit  hold  in 
Pauline  thought  a  more  specific  religious  sense  based 
ipon,  but  distinguished  from,  their  psychological  mean- 
ng;  the  former  term  regularly  denotes  the  sinful 
lature  of  man,  the  latter  its  opponent  in  the  influence 
)f  God  operating  in  and  through  His  spirit.8*  Since 
-he  seat  of  sin  is,  therefore,  in  the  flesh,  the  punish- 
nent  of  sin  is  mainly,  not  wholly,  physical  death.  The 
inal  redemption  of  man,  of  which  the  spirit  is  only  the 
>ledge,  is  therefore  the  restoration  of  the  body.9  More- 
)ver,  since  sin  has  its  seat  in  the  flesh,  the  resurrection 
s  not  only  a  re-creation  of  the  body,  but  a  change 
rom  a  body  of  sin  and  death  to  one  fitted  for  the 
dgher  spiritual  part  of  man  and  incorruptible.10  The 

vas  opposed  to  a  radical  dualism."  (Cf.  Porter's  exhaustive 
ssay,  "  The  Yeger  Kara  in  Bibl.  and  Semitic  Studies,"  Yale 
Ucentennial  Publications,  N.  Y.,  1901,  p.  117.)  "The  evil 
ec.er  is  to  be  at  last  removed  and  destroyed  by  God.  The 
assage  upon  which  this  hope  is  chiefly  rested  was  Ez.  36:26 
cf.  11:19).  This  verse  is  in  itself  a  striking  proof  that  no 
lea  of  corrupt  inclinations  attaches  to  the  term  '  flesh '  in 
).  T.  usage."  Cf.  ibid.,  p.  130;  also  Berachoth  5b: 

ana  -W  DIN  TW  D^I&  inn  nv*  ^v 

There  is  a  constant  struggle  in  man  between  the  good  and 
vil  inclinations."  Not  that  these  sensuous  desires  are  abso- 
itely  evil,  for  they,  too,  have  been  implanted  in  man  for 
ood  purposes.  Without  them  man  could  not  exist;  he 
ould  not  cultivate  and  populate  the  earth.  Thus  rum 
iNE  DID  "  Behold  it  was  very  good,"  is  explained  in 
Mrash  Rabba  Bereshith  9:33  in  I*'  HT  "  this  is  the  evil 
3sire."  Cf.  Talm.  Berachoth  61a;  Aboth  3:12. 

8aCf.  Rom.  8:1-17;  Gal.  5:16-25. 

»Cf.  Rom.  8:10f,  23. 

10 Cf.  I  Cor.  15:42-49;  also  Addi's  art.  "  Flesh"  in  Cheyne's 
ncycl.  Bibl.,  vol.  II,  p.  1535;  Joel:  Blicke  i.  d.  Religions- 

jsch.,  Breslau,  1880,  I,  pp.  37  ff. 
14 


210  PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY 

death  of  Christ  was  to  counteract  the  effect  of  man's 
general  sinfulness,  due  largely  to  Adam's  sin,  and  re- 
store the  normal  relation  between  man  and  his  Maker 
This  thought  is  clearly  brought  out  when  Paul  says 
"As  through  one  transgression  condemnation  comes  t( 
all  men,  thus  through  one  deed  of  righteousness  Justin 
cation  of  life  comes  to  all  men." :  This  "  deed  ol 
righteousness  "  of  which  Paul  speaks  in  the  succeeding 
passage  as  "  obedience  " — "  for  as  through  the  one 
man's  disobedience  the  many  were  made  sinners,  evei 
so  through  the  obedience  of  the  one  shall  the  man} 
be  made  righteous  " — that  is  compliance  with  the  wil 
of  God,  was  an  atonement  for  all  men,  objectively  con 
sidered,  and  subjectively,  for  as  many  as  through  faitl 
lay  hold,  on  the  salvation  thus  offered.  They  thei 
become  subjects  of  the  divine  decree  of  "justification'' 
which  assures  them  life,  not  merely  the  moral  religiou: 
quality  of  life  in  the  present  existence,  but  superiority 
to  death,  the  resurrection  and  participation  in  th< 
blessedness  of  the  kingdom  at  the  Parousia.  Th< 
necessity  of  an  atonement  was  conceived  to  be  base< 
upon  the  relation  of  hostility  between  man  and  God 
the  removal  of  which  could  alone  save  the  rest  of  man 
kind  from  destruction.  The  next  step  in  Paul's  argu 
ment  was  that  if  Christ  was  the  Messiah,  then  hi 
mission  must  have  a  profound  historical  significance 
He,  therefore,  inveighs  against  the  Law,  asserting  thn 
it  was  detrimental  to  the  pursuit  of  a  higher  life,  an< 
makes  Jesus  establish  a  new  order  of  Law,  a  ne^ 
righteousness,  to  supersede  the  old.  Paul  not  onl 
disapproved  of  the  so-called  ceremonial  laws  of  Juda 

11  Cf.  Rom.  5:18;  comp.  I  John  2:2. 


PAULINE  CHRISTIANITY 


ism,  but  also  of  those  relating  to  morality.12  He  af- 
firms that  without  laws  men  would  not  have  given  way 
to  their  evil  desires.  "  Through  the  law  cometh  the 
knowledge  of  sin."  ]  "  For  when  we  were  in  the  flesh, 
,he  sinful  passions,  which  were  through  the  law 
wrought  in  our  members  to  bring  forth  fruit  unto 
leath."  "  "  What  shall  we  say  then?  Is  the  law  sin? 
jrod  forbid.  Howbeit,  I  had  not  known  sin  except 
;hrough  the  law;  for  I  had  not  known  coveting  except 
he  law  had  said,  thou  shalt  not  covet/'  ]  In  Romans 
8  :  1-4)  the  last  Adam  is  placed  by  Paul  historically 
>ver  against  the  first,  as  the  founder  of  a  new  dispen- 
ation.  Paul,  with  keen  foresight,  observed  that  so 
ong  as  the  Law  of  Moses  and  of  the  Prophets  and  of 
he  Rabbi's  was  observed,  so  long  Christianity  would  be 
>ut  another  name  for  Judaism.  Some  of  the  Jewish 
aws  proved  a  hindrance,  too,  to  the  reception  of 
leathen  proselytes.  This  goes  far  to  explain  Paul's 
ntagonism  to  the  Law.18  The  Jew  expected  salvation 
hrough  the  Law,  the  Christian  was  to  reach  salvation 
hrough  Jesus  who  died  for  the  sin  of  Adam. 

12  Cf.  Graetz:  Hist  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  pp.  228  ff. 
"Of.  Rom.  3:20b.       14Cf.  Rom.  7:5.  "Cf.  Rom.  7:7. 

10  Cf.  Rom.  3:20;  4:13-15;  5:13-20;  6:14;  7:7-12;  Gal.  2. 
3-16,  19-21;  3:10-14,  23;  4:3-7;  5:5;  also  Bauer:  Dogmaten- 
esch.,  vol.  I,  pp.  141  ff;  Harnack:  Lehrbch.  d.  Dogmaten- 
3sch.,  3d  ed.,  vol.  I,  pp.  88  ff  ;  Friedliinder:  "  Pauline  Eman- 
pation  from  the  Law"  in  J.  Q.  R.,  vol.  XIV,  pp.  265ff; 
ardner:  A  Historic  View  of  the  N.  T.,  Jowett  Lectures, 
)01  (sub.  the  Christianity  of  Paul). 


CHAPTER  XII 

VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE  IN  THE  NEW 
TESTAMENT 

The  doctrine  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven,  which 
forms  the  center  of  New  Testament  Eschatology,  is  an 
element  that  makes  for  Pessimism.1  For  the  New 
Testament  exalts  an  ascetic  attitude  toward  this  world, 
its  joys  and  pleasures,  as  being  the  best  means  for 
gaining  admission  into  the  kingdom.2  We  have  noticed 
that  with  a  growing  belief  in  a  future  life  among  the 
•Jews,  which  belief  synchronizes  in  its  development 
with  a  gradual  extinction  of  their  terrestrial  hopes, 
pessimistic  tendencies  become  more  pronounced.  In- 
deed, the  conception  and  raison  d'etre  of  Heaven  and 
future  bliss  is  commonly  defended  by  arguments  based 
upon  Pessimism.  But  Christianity  gave  value  to  this 
life  by  making  it  a  kind  of  preparatory  discipline  for 
the  life  to  come;  the  teachers  of  the  Mishnah  took  the 
same  view.8  Thus  the  burden  of  the  preaching  of 
John  the  Baptist  and  of  Jesus  was  repentance,  to  be 
followed  by  the  doing  of  righteousness  here  on  earth. 

The  notion  of  a  future  blessed  existence,  so  far  from 
lestroying  or  impeding  the  growth  of  a  pessimistic 

*Cf.  Wellhausen:  Israelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p. 
J86. 

2Cf.  Matt.  6:19,  25;  19:23-30. 

8Cf.  Mishnah  Aboth  4:23:  "  R.  Jacob  said,  'This  world  is 
ike  a  vestibule  before  the  world  to  come;  prepare  thyself 
n  the  vestibule,  that  thou  mayest  be  admitted  into  the 


214  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

sentiment  is  but  an  associate  concept  of  a  pessimistic 
estimate  of  man's  present  life  and  environment.  Thus 
we  read  in  John  (16:33):4  "These  things  have  1 
spoken  to  you,  that  in  me  ye  may  have  peace.  In  the 
world  ye  have  tribulation,  but  be  comforted,  I  have 
overcome  the  world."  Christianity,  indeed,  does  not 
concede  to  man  the  right  to  seek  and  to  enjoy  happi- 
ness here  on  earth,,  rather  it  demands  renunciation 
that  the  value  of  the  undeserved  gifts  of  grace  and 
happiness  hereafter  may  be  enhanced.  The  individual 
Christian  foregoes  his  pretended  right,  only  because 
assured  of  complete  satisfaction  of  his  claim  by  a 
special  covenant.6 

Men  renounced  this  world  and  centered  their  hopes 
on  the  world  to  come;  for  eternal  spiritual  bliss  they 
cheerfully  exchanged  the  brief  and  vain  pleasures  of 
earthly  existence.  They  lived  in  the  expectation  of 
Christ's  near  return.  This  hope  supplied  them  with 
an  extraordinarily  strong  motive  for  disregarding 
earthly  things  and  the  joys  and  sorrows  of  this  life. 
Harnack  correctly  holds :  °  "  How  easy  it  was  now  to 
declare  the  earthly  crown,  political  possessions,  pres- 
tige and  wealth,  strenuous  effort  and  struggle,  to  be  one 
and  all  worthless  .  .  .  and  in  place  of  them  to  look  to 
heaven." 

The  intense  and  absorbing  interest  of  the  early 
Christians  in  the  end  of  the  age  presupposes  their 

4Cf.  John  12:15;  ibid.,  15:18,  19;  16:33;  I  Cor.  11:32; 
Col.  2:20-23. 

5  Cf.  Ed.  v.  Hartmann:  Philos.  of  the  Unconscious,  London, 
1884,  vol.  Ill,  p.  91. 

6  What  is  Christianity?  p.  47. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  215 

belief  in  its  nearness.7  What  was  the  real  cause  for  the 
intensity  of  that  feeling  that  pervaded  and  permeated 
all  classes  and  conditions  of  men  in  the  century  before 
and  after  Christ,  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  nigh  ? 
For  this  belief  was  instrumental  in  calling  into  exist- 
ence Christianity  and  of  having  it  accepted  among  the 
Pagans.  The  heathen-world  was  permeated  with  the 
spirit  of  world -weariness ;  all  virility  seemed  to  have 
gone  out  of  their  lives,  their  jaded  appetites  no  longer 
found  pleasure  in  riotous  living,  and,  hence,  the  mes- 
sage of  an  impending  overthrow  of  existing  conditions 
was  hailed  with  joy.8 

The  early  Christians,  in  silent  sufferance,  endured 
persecutions  to  become  more  worthy  of  the  glories  to 
come.  The  Apostles  go  so  far  as  to  welcome  sorrow 
and  suffering,  for  had  not  Jesus,  himself,  said :  "  And 
ye  shall  be  hated  by  all  men  for  my  name's  sake;  but 
he  that  endures  to  the  end,  he  shall  be  saved  "  (Matt. 
10 : 22).  Then,  "  they  therefore  departed  from  the 
Synedrion,  rejoicing  that  they  were  considered  worthy 
to  suffer  dishonor  for  the  name  "  (Acts  5 :  41). 

"The  relations  of  Christianity,"  says  Lecky,9  "to 
the  sentiment  of  patriotism  were  from  the  first  very 
unfortunate.  While  the  Christians  were,  for  obvious 
reasons,  completely  separated  from  the  national  spirit 
of  Judaea,  they  found  themselves  equally  at  variance 
with  the  lingering  remnants  of  Eoman  patriotism. 
Eome  was  to  them  the  power  of  the  Antichrist,  and 

7  Of.  Gunkel:   Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  pp.  357  ff,  375  ff. 

8Cf.  4th  Ezra  (90  C.  E.)  4:44-50;  also  Gunkel's  transl.  in 
Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  pp.  331  ff;  Volkmar:  D.  V.  B. 
Ezra,  Ziirich,  1858,  p.  3. 

9  Hist  of  European  Morals,  vol.  II,  p.  140. 


216  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

its  overthrow  the  necessary  prelude  to  the  millennial 
reign."  That  the  Primitive  Church  should  have  been 
hostile  to  the  political-social  life  of  the  Pagan  world  is 
not  surprising  if  we  take  into  account  the  state  of  the 
manners  and  morals  that  obtained  in  it.  The  public 
games  demoralized  and  brutalized  the  Koman  mind.1* 
Popular  sports  consisted  in  inflicting  pain  on  men  and 
animals.  Murder  was  a  daily  amusement  of  the  patri- 
cian, and  Seneca  who  expressed  himself  strongly  on 
the  subject  was  banished.11  After  the  assassination  of 
Caligula  (41  C.  E.)  the  patricians  under  Claudius  in- 
augurated an  era  of  license  and  lawlessness  which  was 
especially  severe  upon  the  common  classes.  Of  Greek 
civilization  Tertullian  speaks 12  as  "  Pompa  diaboli." 
The  ideals  of  refined  Paganism  never  found  a  hospi- 
table reception  on  Judaean  soil,  and  Christianity  was 
reared  upon  that  soil.  Thus  early  Christianity,  to 
wean  man  away  from  the  effeminate  civilization  which 
permeated  the  very  air,  loosened  him  from  earthly 
bonds  and  from  the  interests  of  society,  by  pointing  to 
Heaven  as  the  true  and  abiding  home.  This  attitude 
toward  life,  carried  to  its  logical  conclusion,  had  to 
terminate  in  a  denial  of  the  will  to  live.13 

It  was  the  aim  of  Christianity  to  bring  about  wholly 
new  conditions,  to  create  new  environments  for  man. 
To  do  this  it  had  first  to  engage  in  a  desperate  struggle 
with  all  that  bound  the  Heaven-descended  spirit  in  ser- 
vitude to  the  world  of  sense.  The  ascetic  attitude  of 
the  New  Testament  toward  the  life  of  sense  must, 

10  Of.  Huidekoper:  Judaism  at  Rome,  N.  Y.,  1888,  p.  71. 

11  Cf.  Seneca:  Epist.  7:2-7. 
12Noeldechen:  Gotha,  p.  31. 

13  Cf.  Pliimacher:  D.  Pess.,  Heidelberg,  1888,  p.  48. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  217 

therefore,  be  explained  as  a  recoil  from  the  degeneracy 
of  the  world.  "  And  if  thy  right  hand  worries  thee, 
cut  it  off,  and  cast  it  from  thee,  for  it  is  better  for  thee 
that  one  of  thy  members  should  perish  than  that  thy 
whole  body  go  into  Gehenna"  (Matt.  5:30).  In  an- 
other place  we  read :  "  For  if  ye  live  after  the  flesh,  ye 
must  die,  but  if  by  the  spirit  ye  mortify  your  doings,  ye 
shall  live  "  (Rom.  8: 13).  "  But  I  bruise  my  body  and 
bring  it  into  bondage,  lest,  while  I  preach  to  others,  1 
myself  should  come  to  shame  "  (I  Cor.  9 :  27).  "  Mor- 
tify, therefore,  the  members  of  your  body,  you  who  are 
on  earth,  fornication,  uncleanliness,  passion,  evil  de- 
sire, and  covetousness,  which  is  idolatry;  for  which 
things'  sake  cometh  the  wrath  of  God  upon  the  sons  of 
disobedience."  "  Overbeck  is  of  the  opinion  15  that  the 
ascetic  ideal  preserved  Christianity,  and  that  ascetic 
practices  among  the  early  Christians  became  more 
severe  when  it  became  apparent  that  Christ  did  not 
return. 

The  world-denying  Pessimism  of  Christianity  is  par- 
tially due  to  the  supernaturalism  it  absorbed  from 
the  Jewish  writings  before  the  Christian  era.16  Accord- 
ing to  the  Jewish  Apocalyptic  literature,  the  kingdom 
of  Heaven  was  not  to  grow  out  of  the  historical  life  of 
man,  but  was  to  break  its  continuity  and  to  enter  its 
existence  by  direct  divine  intervention.  In  this  man- 
ner Jesus  understood  the  new  age — a  vast  social  revo- 

14Cf.  Col.  3:5,  6;  Matt.  26:29;  Rom.  12:1;  I  Cor.  8:8,  9; 
9:27. 

15  Cf.  tTber  die  Christlichkeit  unserer  Heutigen  Theologie, 
Lpzg.,  1873,  pp.  52  ff;  Lipsius  in  Sybel's  Ztschft.  (28:253) 
takes  the  opposite  view. 

18  A.  u.  P.  lit. 


218  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

lution  in  which  rank  should  be  leveled  and  all 
authority  brought  low;  redemption  of  the  oppressed, 
but  chiefly  a  renovation  of  all  things  on  earth  by 
Divine  Omnipotence.  "  But  immediately  after  the 
tribulation  of  those  days  the  sun  shall  be  darkened, 
and  the  moon  shall  not  give  her  light  .  .  .  and  then 
shall  appear  the  sign  of  the  son  of  man  in  heaven  .  .  . 
and  he  shall  send  forth  his  angels  with  a  great  sound 
of  a  trumpet,  and  they  shall  gather  together  his  elect 
from  the  four  winds  .  .  ." :  To  this  eschatological 
supernaturalism  Jesus'  ethical  supernaturalism,18  i.  e. 
the  ascetic  requirement  not  only  of  the  moral,  but  also 
an  external  renunciation  of  all  that  belongs  to  tho 
present  age,  of  goods  and  chattels,  of  family  and 
friends,  logically  corresponded.  "  Then  answered 
Peter  and  said  unto  him,  Lo,  we  have  left  all  and  fol- 
lowed thee,  what  then  shall  we  have  ?  "  And  Jesus 
said  to  them,  "  Verily  I  say  to  you,  that  ye  who  have 
followed  me,  in  the  regenerated  world  when  the  son 
of  man  shall  sit  on  the  throne  of  his  glory,  ye  also 
shall  sit  upon  twelve  thrones,  judging  the  twelve  tribes 
of  Israel.  And  everyone  who  has  left  houses,  or  breth- 
ren, or  sisters,  or  father,  or  mother,  or  children,  or 
lands,  for  my  name's  sake,  shall  receive  a  hundred-fold 
and  shall  inherit  eternal  life."  ] 

In  another  passage  Jesus  contrasts  the  evanescent 
pleasures  of  this  life  with  the  enduring  joys  of  heaven: 
"For  whosoever  would  save  his  life  shall  lose  it:  and 
whosoever  shall  lose  his  life  for  my  sake  shall  find  it. 

17  Cf.  Matt  24:29-31;  also  Schmidt:  Christentum  u.  Welt- 
verneinung,  Basel,  1888,  pp.  26  ff. 

18  Cf.  Matt.  10:23;  16:28;  24:32-36;  26:29,  64, 
"Matt.  19:27-30, 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  219 

For  what  shall  a  man  be  benefited  if  he  shall  gain  the 
whole  world  and  forfeit  his  life,  or  what  shall  a  man 
give  in  exchange  for  his  life." 5  In  Luke  this  thought 
is  expressed  by  Jesus  still  more  categorically :  "  If 
any  man  comes  to  me,  and  hates  not  his  own  father, 
and  mother,  and  wife,  and  children,  and  brethren,  and 
sisters,  yea,  and  his  own  life  also,  he  cannot  be  my 
disciple."  :  Further  on  we  read :  "  Whosoever  he  be 
of  you  that  renounces  not  all  that  he  has,  he  cannot  be 
my  disciple."  :  In  the  light  of  these,  and  of  similar 
sayings  ascribed  to  Jesus,  Kittel  is  justified  in  saying 
that  revealed  Christianity  is  ethical  Idealism.23  Chris- 
tianity gauges  the  value  of  material  possessions  by  the 
aims  of  higher  morality,  in  so  far  as  they  help  to 
realize  the  ethical  ideals.  The  summum  bonum  is  not 
the  pleasure  that  comes  from  material  possessions,, 
nor  even  the  joy  that  springs  from  filial  affections,  but 
that  which  springs  from  the  consciousness  of  having 
done  the  good.  This  spirit  characterizes  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount.  "  And  if  any  man  would  go  to  law 
with  thee,  and  take  away  thy  coat,  let  him  have  thy 
cloak  also  "  (Matt.  5 :  40). 

The  laws  of  charity  are  carried  to  such  an  extreme 
that  were  they  to  be  practised  it  would  mean  the  anni- 
hilation of  all  private  property.  "  Jesus  said  to  him, 
if  thou  wouldst  be  perfect,  go  sell  what  thou  possessest, 
and  give  it  to  the  poor"  (ibid.  19:21).24  This  appeal 
to  altruism  is  quick  with  sublime  possibilities,  but  were 

20  Matt.  16 : 25,  26.       n  Of.  Luke  14 : 26.       B  Cf .  Luke  14 : 33. 

23Sittliclie  Fragen,  Stuttgart,  1885,  p.  207;  also  Caird 
Hegel,  Edinb.,  1883,  p.  217. 

24Comp.  Mark  10:17-31;  Luke  6:20;  Acts  2:44-46;  James 
2:5. 


220  VIEW  or  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

we  to  live  in  that  extreme  sense  for  others  the  path  of 
progress  would  be  blocked.  The  highest  virtues  of 
Christianity — morality,  poverty,  continence,  obedience 
— would,  if  universally  carried  out  to  the  letter,  retard, 
nay  make  nigh  impossible,  the  preservation  and  prog- 
ress of  the  human  race.  For  the  desire  to  possess 
something,  exclusively,  is  one  of  the  most  potent 
motives  underlying  all  advancement. 

The  altruism  of  the  New  Testament  is  rooted,  and 
this  is  important  to  notice,  in  the  belief  that  true 
happiness  awaits  man  beyond,  and  that  the  so-called 
happiness  of  this  world  is  a  counterfeit  article.  Sel- 
fishness, so  often  necessary  for  one's  own  self-preserva- 
tion, becomes  in  the  New  Testament  without  discrimi- 
nation the  source  of  sin  and  evil.  He  is  perfect  who 
curbs  his  desires  and  his  passions  to  a  point  of  extinc- 
tion.25 Self-denial  is  the  sesame  that  opens  wide  the 
gates  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.26 

Jesus,  thus,  admonishes  his  disciples  to  be  rather 
among  the  persecuted,  than  among  the  persecutors; 
bear  rather  injury  and  insult  than  inflict  them  upon 
others.27  Jesus  adds  the  cause  for  having  offered  such 
advice:  "Kejoice  and  be  exceedingly  glad,  for  great 
is  your  reward  in  heaven.  ": 

Whatever  rewards  Christian  experience  may  afford  in 
this  life,  Jesus  and  Paul  conceived  that  it  is  only  in 
the  life  to  come  that  the  believer's  genuine  happiness 

25  Cf.  A.  Menzie:  "  The  Truth  of  the  Christian  Religion  in 
the  New  World,"  Mch.,  1895,  pp.  57  ff. 
28  Cf.  Schopenhauer,  vol.  II,  p.  521. 

27  Cf.  Matt.  5:10,  11. 

28  Cf.  Matt.  5:12a;   6:33;  Luke  12:31,  32;   John  16:20-24; 
comp.  Rom.  8:18;  I  Cor.  15:58;  Rer.  2:10-11. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  221 

and  compensation  will  be  revealed.  This  forms  the 
keynote  of  the  first  Epistle  of  Peter  (c.  100),  in  which 
the  Christians  are  exhorted  to  purify  themselves  and 
be  firm  amidst  trials  and  tribulations,  for  glorious  will 
be  their  reward  when  life  comes  to  a  close. 

The  mere  fact  that  men's  gaze  is  being  continually 
directed  toward  a  future  as  a  better  existence,  leads  to 
a  depreciation  of  the  present.  And  here  we  have  the 
gateway,  as  it  were,  through  which  Asceticism  and 
other  pessimistic  elements  entered  the  thought-life 
of  the  Christian  community.  The  attitude  towards 
reality  is  always  critical  and  polemical,  since  the  New 
Testament  measures  reality  by  the  ideal  and  fails  to 
overlook  the  contrast  between  the  two.  This  is  clearly 
brought  out  in  James:  "Ye  adulteresses,  know  ye 
not  that  the  friendship  of  the  world  is  enmity  with 
God  ?  Whosoever,  therefore,  would  be  a  friend  of  the 
world  makes  himself  an  enemy  of  God/' : 

Asceticism  is  not  peculiar  to  Christianity  alone.80 
It  is  a  principle  that  seems  to  be  inherent  in  the  reli- 
gious nature  of  man,  otherwise  it  would  be  difficult  to 
explain  its  prevalence  among  peoples  widely  separated. 
Wherever  found,  it  serves  as  outlet  for  the  mysticism 
which  results  from  religious  fervor.  Asceticism  may 
be  due  either  to  voluntary  suffering  and  penance  to 
appease  divine  wrath,  or  to  a  desire  to  free  the  soul 
from  the  trammels  of  the  perishable  body  and  the 
tyranny  of  the  world.  That  God  can  be  influenced,  in 
some  way,  by  vows  and  by  fasting,  is  a  belief  not  wholly 

29 Cf.  James  4:4;  also  Renan:   English  Conferences,  Bos- 
ton, 1880,  p.  27. 
30  Cf.  Zockler:  Gesch.  d.  Askese,  Frankfurt,  1863,  pp.  24  ff. 


222  VIEW  OF  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

unknown  to  the  Old  Testament.  Schwally  states  31  that 
fasting  among  the  Jews  was  a  religious  rite.  Fasts 
were  proclaimed  at  the  time  of  some  public  calamity; 
also  when  an  individual  had  met  with  some  sore  be- 
reavement (Joel  1 :  14;  2 : 15)  ;  also,  when  the  Law  of 
God  had  been  transgressed,  and  a  foreign  invasion  was 
threatened  (Jer.  30:9),  before  a  battle  (I  Sam.  14: 
21;  I  Mace.  3:4,  7)  and  when  a  near  relative  was 
ill  (II  Sam  12:16).  In  all  these  instances  .the  fast- 
ing was  a  means  by  which  the  favor  of  God  was 
entreated.  For,  it  was  thought,  that  by  abstaining 
from  the  enjoyment  of  certain  things,  the  pity  of  the 
angered  Deity  was  aroused,  and  the  threatened  punish- 
ment thus  averted.32  Prof.  Toy  sees  ascetic  practice 
in  Daniel  (1 : 8,  12).  "  But  Daniel  made  up  his  mind 
that  he  would  not  defile  himself  with  the  king's  meat, 
nor  with  the  wine  he  drank."  "  Prove  thy  servants, 
I  beseech  thee,  ten  days;  and  let  them  give  herbs  to 
eat  and  water  to  drink.  "  Prof.  Toy  "  is  mistaken  if  he 
detects  a  trace  of  ascetic  practice  here.  Daniel's  re- 
fusal was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  regarded  the  food 
ceremonially  unclean.  For  during  the  Maccabean 
period,  the  Jews  in  their  religious  fervor  were  most 
rigorous  in  observing  every  detail  of  the  ceremonial 
law. 

In  Jesus'  day  fasting,  per  se,  was  looked  upon  as 
meritorious.     Thus  we  read   in  Tobit : S3a     "  Prayer  is 

31  D.  Leben  n.  d.  Tode,  Giessen,  1892,  p.  26. 

32  Cf.  II  Sam.  12:21;  Jer.  14:11;  Deut.  23:21fl-(D);  Zech. 
7:4-12;  Lev.  16:29;   23:27   (P) ;   Isa.  58:3-5;  Neh.  1:4;  Joel 
2:12-15;  Ps.  35:13. 

33  Jud.  and  Christianity,  p.  255. 
33a  C.  25  B.  C. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  223 

good  with  fasting."  34  In  Luke  (18: 11,  12)  a  Pharisee 
boasts  of  fasting  twice  each  week.  In  Matthew  (9 : 14) 
Jesus'  disciples  scandalize  the  followers  of  the  Baptist 
by  not  fasting.35 

As  the  number  of  pleasure-seeking  imitators  of 
Greek  customs  and  manners  increased  in  Judaea  the 
party  of  the  Khasidim  also  increased.  These  strictly 
pious  took  the  vow  of  the  Nazarite,38  refraining  from 
wine,  and  allowing  the  hair  and  the  nails  to  grow. 
Graetz  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  orgies  of  the  Helle- 
nistic party  led  the  Khasidim  to  fortify  themselves  by 
taking  the  Nazaritic  vow.37 

Pessimistic  tendencies  which  but  rarely  come  to  the 
surface  in  the  Old  Testament  play  a  prominent  part  in 
the  New  Testament.  Paulsen  opines  that  expressions 
of  contempt  for  the  world  and  its  pleasures  are  much 
more  frequent  in  the  New  Testament  than  the  joyous 
notes  of  life.  Even  in  the  life  of  Jesus,  he  continues, 
the  basic  thought  is  not  victory  and  the  joy  of  life, 

34  Cf.  12:8b;  cf.  Lehr's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's  A.  u.  P.,  vol.  1; 
comp.  Sirach  34:26. 

35Comp.  Matt.  6:16,  17;  Isa.  chpt.  58. 

3(5 Cf.  Num.  6:2,  13,  18-20  (P);  comp.  Judges  13:5;  5:45; 
also  Maybaum:  D.  Entwickelung  d.  Prophentums,  Excursus 

I,  Berl.,  1883;   Robertson  Smith   (The  Rel.  of  the  Semites, 
pp.  312  ff)  in  reference  to  the  Nazarite  ritual  has  the  fol- 
lowing to  say:    "Wine  and  hair,  both  were  sacred  to  the 
Solar  Deity,  the  Deity  that  fructifies.    In  the  worship  of 
Baal,  intoxication  played  an  important  part  and  no  less  the 
despoliation  of  the  hair.     In  this  wise  did  the  Nazarite  at 
first  by  their  personal  customs  protest  against  the  religious 
degradation  or  national  desertion  of  Israel."    Cf.  also  No- 
wack:   Lhrbch.  d.  Hebr.  Archaeologie,  Freiburg,  1894,  vol. 

II,  pp.  133  ff. 

37  Oesch.  d.  Juden.,  I,  p.  240  (Engl.  ed.,  vol.  I,  p.  422. 


224:          VIEW  OP  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

but  death  and  the  suppression  of  all  worldly  desires 
and  ambitions.88    Similarly  Overbeck,  who  asserts: 

"  Das  Urchristentum  is  weltverneinend.  Weltflucht  1st 
die  Signatur  des  urspriinglichen  Christentums."  38 

Harnack  combats  the  view  that  stamps  the  Gospel 
a  world-denying  creed.40  Three  reasons  he  adduces  to 
prove  his  position;  the  first  is  derived  from  the  way  in 
which  Jesus  came  forward,  and  from  his  manner  of 
life;  the  second  is  based  upon  the  impression  which 
he  made  upon  his  disciples  and  was  reflected  in  their 
own  lives;  the  third  springs  from  what  is  contained 
in  Jesus'  fundamental  message.  Harnack  makes  Chris- 
tianity a  religion  of  self-denial.  "Jesus  asks  self- 
denial  and  not  asceticism." ' 

We  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  in  Jesus, 
denial  of  self  and  denial  of  the  world,  are  not  the  final 
goal,  but  means  for  gaining  a  nobler  self,  and  through 
it,  a  better  world.  Like  the  Essenes,  Jesus  seemed  to 
believe  that  ascetic  practices  hastened  the  coming  of 
the  Kingdom.  Thus  we  may  explain  some  of  the  pessi- 
mistic views  held  by  the  Primitive  Christian  Church. 
Jesus  flees  from  sensual  pleasures  and  rejects  their  ex- 
citement and  glitter,  not  because  sinful  per  se,  but 
because  they  attach  man  to  the  things  of  the  earth 
and  endanger  his  spiritual  welfare :  "  For  what  does 

88  Cf.  Paulsen:  System  d.  Ethik,  Berl.,  1894,  3d  ed.,  vol.  I, 
p.  82;  also  Dorner:  System  d.  christl.  Sittenlehre,  Berl.,  1885, 
pp.  355  ff. 

89  Cf.  Overbeck:  Uber  die  Christlichkeit,  etc.,  pp.  50  ff;  also 
Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  I,  p.  422,  vol,  II,  chpt.  46. 

40  D.  Wesen  d.  Christentums,  Lpzg.,  1901,  pp.  50  ff  (Engl. 
ed.,  pp.  87  ff). 

41  Cf.  Harnack:  D.  W.  d.  Christentums,  p.  55. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  225 

it  profit  man  to  gain  the  whole  world  and  forfeit  his 
soul."43 

Jesus  does  not  stop  here  but  he  goes  so  far  as  to 
disapprove  of  what  is  generally  regarded  as  a  law  of 
nature — the  ties  of  kindred.  He  disregards  all  claims 
that  parents  have  upon  the  love  and  respect  of  their 
children,  and  that  children  have  upon  their  parents: 
"And  another  of  the  disciples  said  to  Jesus,  Lord,  suf- 
fer me  first  to  go  and  bury  my  father.  But  Jesus  said 
to  him,  Follow  me,  and  leave  the  dead  to  bury  the 
dead."  a 

"For  I  came  to  set  man  at  variance  against  his 
father,  and  the  daughter  against  her  mother  .  .  . 
He  that  loves  father  or  mother  more  than  me  is  not 
worthy  of  me,  and  he  that  loves  son  or  daughter  more 
than  me  is  not  worthy  of  me."  '  But  some  one  said  to 
Jesus,  "  Behold,  thy  mother  and  thy  brothers  stand  with- 
out, seeking  to  speak  to  thee."  But  he  answered  and 
said  ".  .  .  who  is  my  mother,  and  who  are  my  broth- 
ers." 45  "  If  anyone  comes  to  me,  and  hates  not  his 
own  father,  and  mother,  and  wife  ...  he  cannot  be 
my  disciple." ' 

The  claim  is  made,  that  Jesus  deprecated  filial  love 
and  love  for  kindred  only  then,  when  such  love  came 
in  collision,  as  it  were,  with  the  duty  and  love  man 

42  Cf.  Mark  8:36;  Rom.  14:21;  also  Duboc:  Hundert  Jahre 
Zeitgeist,  Lpzg.,  1889,  p.  95;  Gass:  Optimismus  u.  Pess.,  Berl., 
1876,  p.  22. 

48  Matt.  8:21,  22. 

44  Matt.  10:35-37  contrast  with  Mai.  4:6. 

45  Cf.  Matt.  12:47-48. 

46  Cf.  Luke  14:26;  comp.  ibid.,  8:19-21;  12:58;  Mark  3:31* 
35. 

15 


226  VIEW  OF  THE  WOULD  AND  OF  LIFE 

owes  his  Creator.  If  this  be  so,  it  is  surprisingly 
strange,  that  this  fact  is  not  brought  out  by  Jesus,  for 
he  must  have  known  that  much  stress  was  laid  upon 
filial  love  and  respect  among  the  Jews.  In  fact,  he 
himself  makes  reference  to  it  in  Mark  (7 :  10-12)  as 
one  of  the  laws  of  Moses.  Furthermore,  there  can  be 
no  conflict  between  filial  love  and  the  love  one  owes 
to  his  Maker.  The  Mosaic  code  punishes  with  death 
disobedience  to  parents,47  and  the  Fifth  Commandment 
enjoins  respect  for  parents  as  something  praiseworthy 
and  sure  of  reward,48  which  clearly  proves  that  a  con- 
flict between  filial  love  and  love  of  God  is  impossible. 

Jesus  condemns  wealth  and  commends  voluntary 
poverty.  Wealth  is  not  only  worthless  but  endangers 
the  spiritual  welfare  of  its  possessor  and  makes  him 
unfit  for  the  kingdom  of  God.  "  Be  not  anxious  for 
your  life,  what  ye  shall  eat,  or  what  ye  shall  drink; 
nor  yet  for  your  body,  what  ye  shall  put  on."  (Matt. 
6 :  25).  "  It  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  go  through  a 
needle's  eye  than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  into  the 
Kingdom  of  God." '  "  But  woe  to  you  that  are  rich, 
for  ye  have  received  your  consolation,  woe  unto  you, 
ye  that  are  full  now,  for  ye  shall  hunger  "  (Luke  6 :  24, 
25).  *°  In  the  teachings  of  Jesus  are  two  views  of 
wealth  which  are  apparently  in  conflict — the  thought 
of  wealth  as  a  trust  to  be  used,  and  the  thought  of 
wealth  as  a  peril  to  be  escaped;  the  physician's  pre- 

47  Cf.  Deut.  21:18-21a  (D). 

48  Of.  Exod.  20:12  (E);  Deut.  5:16  (D). 

49  Cf.  Mark  10:25;   Matt.  19:24;   Luke  18:24    (vide  Sura. 
Koran  7:38). 

^Comp.  Luke  12:15;  Hebrews  13:5a;  I  Timothy  6:10a: 
"  For  the  love  of  money  is  the  root  of  all  evils." 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  227 

scription  for  social  health,  and  the  surgeon's  remedy 
from  social  death. 

"No  man  can  serve  two  masters  ...  Ye  cannot  serve 
God  and  mammon"  (Matt.  6:24). 

The  service  of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven  demands  the 
whole  of  a  man,  his  possessions  as  well  as  his  mind  and 
heart.51 

With  economical  conditions  and  contemporary  cir- 
cumstances Jesus  did  not  interfere.02  But  we  notice 
that  he  had  not  the  modern  conception  of  the  dignity  of 
labor.88  He  calls  not  only  Simon  and  Andrew  who 
were  fishermen  from  their  work  (Mark  1 : 16-20),  but 
also  Levi,  who  sat  at  the  toll-gate  attending  to  his  duty 
(Mark  2 : 13, 14).  Jesus  censures  Martha  who  is  busy 
with  her  household  and  praises  Mary  who  neglects  her 
home  to  listen  to  his  teachings  (Luke  10 : 38-42).  In 
the  parable  of  the  three  invited  guests  Jesus  ex- 
cludes all  three  from  the  kingdom  because  they  were 
engaged  in  their  daily  pursuits.54 

The  belief  that  the  world  hates  the  Christian  and 
that  the  Prince  of  the  world  is  his  bitterest  enemy, 
led  Jesus  to  despair  of  any  improvement  in  existing 
conditions.  He,  therefore,  advises  his  followers  not  to 
resist  evil  and  to  submit  to  wrong,  the  weak  are  there- 

51  Cf.  Peabody:  "The  Teachings  of  Jesus  Concerning  the 
Rich  "  in  New  World,  June,  1900;  also  Jonte:   Idees  de  Jesus 
sur  la  Pauverte  et  la  Richesse,  Paris,  1900;  Caird:   Hegel, 
p.  217;  cf.  O.  Cone:  Rich  and  Poor  in  N.  T.,  N.  Y.,  1902. 

52  Cf.  Harnack:  What  is  Christianity?  p.  105. 

MCf.  Hartmann:  D.  rel.  Bewusstsein,  Berl.,  1882,  pp.  520  ff. 
64  Cf.  Luke  14:15ff. 


228          VIEW  or  THE  WORLD  AND  OF  LIFE 

fore  regarded  as  blessed  and  sure  of  entering  the  king- 
dom.55 

The  climax  of  ascetic  tendency  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  reached  in  the  exaltation  of  celibacy.56  The 
traditional  Jewish  view  according  to  which  marriage 
was  at  once  a  duty  and  a  privilege/7  and  the  ascetic 
view  maintained  by  the  Essenes  that  it  is  evil  and 
polluting,  is  avoided  in  the  New  Testament.  Jesus 
affirms  the  possibility  of  a  duty  arising  under  certain 
circumstances  to  abstain  from  marriage/8  but  looks 
upon  the  marital  state  as  a  divine  institution.69  Paul 
favored  the  ascetic  and  extreme  view  of  marriage  held 
by  the  Essenes.  He  admonishes,  at  all  times,  that 
men  should  crucify  their  bodies,  for  marriage  is  an 
inferior  state.60  This  view  is  but  a  natural  and  logical 
sequence  of  the  view  he  holds  concerning  the  human 
body  which  is  the  seat  of  sin  and  corruption :  "  Lei 
not  sin  therefore  reign  in  your  mortal  body,  that  ye 
should  obey  the  lust  thereof."  (Eom.  6 : 12).  "  For  ii 
we  have  become  united  with  the  likeness  of  his  death. 

G5Comp.  I  Cor.  6:7;  I  Peter  2:21-23;  cf.  Adams:  "  The 
Ethics  of  Tolstoi  and  Nietzsche,"  Int.  J.  of  Ethics,  Oct.,  1900 

58 Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  726;  alsc 
McCabe:  "The  Conversion  of  St.  Augustine,"  Int.  J.  GJ 
Ethics,  vol.  XII,  pp.  450  ff. 

"Cf.  Gen.  1:28  (P) ;  vide  chpt.  Talmud. 

58  Cf.  Matt.  19:11,  12. 

59 Cf.  Matt.  19:5;  Paterson's  article  "Marriage"  in  Hast 
ings'  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  vol.  Ill,  p.  266b. 

90  Cf.  Rom.  8:13,  3-8;  7:5-6,  18-25;  I  Cor.  chpt.  vii;  Phil 
3:21;  Lecky:  Hist,  of  European  Morals,  N.  Y.,  1890,  vol.  II 
pp.  321  ff;  Tertullian  (175  C.  E.)  speaks  of  marriage  (D( 
pudicitia,  cap.  XVI)  as  "genus  mali  inferioris,  ex  indul 
gentia  ortum." 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  229 

we  shall  be  also  with  the  likeness  of  his  resurrection. 
Knowing  this,  that  our  old  man  was  crucified  with 
(him)  that  the  body  of  sin  ought  to  be  done  away, 
that  so  we  should  no  longer  be  in  bondage  of  sin."  81 
This  doctrine  receives  its  most  graphic  expression  in 
Romans  61a  where  Paul  represents  man  under  the  Law 
as  powerless  to  do  the  good  he  would,  owing  to  his 
3arnal  nature.  To  seek  deliverance  from  such  a  body 
of  death  and  destruction  is  but  natural. 

Paul's  teaching  concerning  the  sinfulness  of  the 
body  is  contrary  to  the  Old  Testament.  Two  passages 
ire  generally  cited  to  show  that  the  Old  Testament 
is  not  opposed  to  Pauline  teachings  on  this  subject. 
The  one  is  found  in  Job  :  82 


"Who  can  bring  a  clean  thing  out  of  an  unclean  one" 
(R.  V.). 

The  American  Revised  Version  takes,  correctly,  JJV'^P 
is  a  desiderative  particle  (utinam)  and  translates: 
;*  Oh,  that  a  clean  thing  could  come  out  of  an  unclean 
thing!  not  one  can."  The  meaning  of  this  is  evident, 
3vil  clings  to  the  body.  But  such  a  statement  is  con- 
trary to  the  whole  view-point  of  the  Old  Testament. 
[  agree  with  Hoffmann63  who  does  no  violence  what- 
soever to  the  Massoretic  text  but  merely  changes  the 

61  Cf.  Rom.  6:5,  6;  Phil.  3:21;  I  Cor.  15:43,  51. 

61a?:9-24.  "14:4. 

63  Hiob.,  Kiel,  1891,  p.  55;  cf.  Budde  (Hdkt.,  Gott,  1896,  p. 
70),  who  does  not  coincide  with  Hoffmann's  reading,  and 
;ranslates,  "  Oh,  that  there  would  be  a  clean  thing  among 
;he  unclean  ones;  "  Delitzsch  (D.  B.  Hiob.,  Lpzg.,  1902,  p. 
15)  agrees  with  Budde;  comp.  Duhm:  D.  B.  Hiob.,  Freiburg 
/B,  1897,  p.  146. 


230  VIEW  OF  THE  WOELD  AND  OF  LlFE 

punctuation  and  substitutes  a  i  for  a  1  in  IRK  Hoff- 
mann reads  :  "in«  N^  KEBp  into  fpp  <p  "  Oh,  that  Thou 
wouldst  declare  me  innocent  instead  of  guilty,  without 
delay."  This  is  in  keeping  with  the  prayer  of  Job  to 
be  found  innocent,  for  his  friends  persist  in  accusing 
him  of  guilt  because  he  suffers. 

The  other  passage  is  in  Psalm  (51  :  7)  : 


"  Behold  I  was  shapen  in  iniquity,  and  in  sin  did  my 
mother  conceive  me."  Wellhausen,  in  his  explanatory 
notes  to  the  translation  of  the  Psalms  in  the  Poly- 
chrome Bible,  has  the  following  to  say:  that  the  pas- 
sage does  not  refer  to  an  individual  but  to  the  Israel- 
itish  nation.  "  In  sin  did  my  mother  conceive  me  " 
means:  that  ever  since  the  beginning  of  her  history 
(cf  .  Ez.  16:3)  iniquity  against  God  is  inseparable  from 
Israel.  Baethgen  holds  the  same  opinion  and  states 
that  Theodoret  (+  457  C.  E.)  had  understood  the  pas- 
sage in  the  same  way.04 

64  Cf.  Baethgen:  Hdkt.  Die  Psalmen,  Gott,  1892,  p.  151,  n. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN,  IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 

In  the  New  Testament  the  doctrine  of  Original  Sin, 
and  a  world  dominated  by  Satan — both  pessimistic  ele- 
ments— are  advanced  as  a  solution  for  existing  evil. 
Adam  has  fallen  and  all  have  inherited  the  sin  of  their 
common  progenitor.1  This  assumes  that  sin  has  caused 
a  spiritual  separation  between  God  and  man.  But  the 
life,  sufferings,  and  death  of  Jesus  became  the  means 
of  reconciliation  between  God  and  man. 

"  For  since  by  man  came  death,  by  man  came  also  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead.  For  as  in  Adam  all  die,  so  also 
in  Christ  shall  all  be  made  alive"  (I  Cor.  15:21,  22). 

"  For  God  was  in  Christ  reconciling  the  world  unto  Him- 
self, not  reckoning  unto  them  their  trespasses,  and  having 
committed  unto  us  the  world  of  reconciliation"  (II  Cor. 
5:19). 

"  For  if,  while  we  were  enemies,  we  were  reconciled  to 
God  through  the  death  of  His  son,  much  more,  being  recon- 
ciled, shall  we  be  saved  by  his  life;  and  not  only  so,  but  \ve 
also  rejoice  in  God  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through 
whom  we  have  now  received  reconciliation"  (Rom.  5:10, 
11). 

The  germ  of  the  chief  doctrines  of  Paul's  theology 
we  must  seek  in  the  Jewish  literature  of  Alexandria. 
IJberweg  appropriately  speaks  of  that  literature  as 
"  the  last  and  nearest  stepping  stone  to  Christianity." : 

Philo   (20  B.  C.-54  C.  E.)   is  the  best  exponent  of 

*Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed.,  vol.  II,  p.  596. 
2  A  Hist  of  Philos.,  N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  270. 


232  SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN, 

the  school  of  Alexandria.  Zeller  gives  a  clear  expos 
tion  of  Philonic  thought.3  Philo  starts  from  the  JCA 
ish  belief  in  revelation  and  adheres  strictly  to  it,  bu 
enamored  of  Greek  thought  and  culture,  he  seeks  I 
means  of  allegorical  explanation  of  the  actual  wore 
of  the  Old  Testament  to  harmonize  the  religion  of  tr 
Jew  with  the  speculations  of  the  Greek  and  therel 
creates  a  philosophical  system.4  Power  and  goodne* 
are  the  most  essential  of  the  attributes  of  God,  th 
union  of  these  is  the  Logos.5  Of  the  two  attributes,  gooc 
ness  is  the  higher  and  the  older — through  it  the  worl 
was  called  into  being  and  is  ruled  over  by  God.  Bi 
God,  who  is  absolute  good,  could  not  have  produce 
evil;  whence  then  the  evil  that  exists?  Philo  seet 
therefore  the  source  of  all  evil  in  a  principle  that 
wholly  independent  of  God.  This  is  pre-existing  an 
shapeless  matter,  called  into  existence  by  the  Logo; 
an  intermediary  agent  between  God  and  the  world 
God  could  not  have  created  man,  for  He,  the  absolui 
good,  cannot  possibly  have  any  relation  with  evi 
Philo,  therefore,  explains  "  let  us  make  man "  1 
mean — that  God  created  the  imperishable  part  of  mai 

3  D.  Philosophic  d.  Griechen,  3d.  ed.,  188 1,  pt.  Ill,  p] 
338-418. 

4Cf.  Freudenthal:  Uber  die  pal.  u.  alexand.  Schri.ttfo 
schung.  Progr.  z.  jiid.  Theol.  Seminar,  Breslau,  1854,  p.  32 
Hamburger's  Real  Encycl.,  Ill,  Suppl.  VI,  pp.  3  ft  (Philos.  i 
Judenthum). 

BHartmann:  D.  rel.  Bewusstsein,  p.  468;  also  Philo.  D 
Cherub,  II,  162;  Jiilicher:  Art.  Logos  in  Cheyne's  Encyc 
Bibl.,  vol.  Ill;  Friedlander:  Zur  Entstehung  d.  Christen 
thums,  Wien,  1894,  pp.  8  ff. 

'  Cf.  John  1:3,  10;  1:33;  3:16,17,  35;  6:40,  44;  9:29;  16 
27;  17:6. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  233 

the  soul,  while  the  Logos  formed  the  perishable  part, 
the  body,  for  matter  is  the  origin  of  evil,  therefore  in 
opposition  to  God.7  The  Logos  is  the  instrument  ol 
God — a  quasi-deity — in  the  creation  of  the  Universe. 
It  is  God's  first-born  son,  His  vicegerent  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  world.8 

The  first  verse  of  the  Gospel  according  to  John  de- 
scribes the  Logos  or  "  Word  of  God,"  and  how  the  con- 
ception of  Jesus  as  the  Christ  became  associated  with 
it.  In  John  the  Logos  attains  to  a  higher  degree  of 
personification.  Christ  is  the  Logos  become  flesh,9 
from  eternity  he  has  been  with  God,  he  created  the 
world  and  God  made  Himself  known  to  man  through 
him : 10  "  In  him  were  all  things  created  that  are  in 
the  heavens  and  upon  the  earth  ...  all  things  have 
been  created  through  him  ...  he  is  before  all 
things."  ]  While  in  the  Theosophy  of  Alexandria  sin- 
fulness  belongs  to  man  because  the  body  is  per  se  evil, 
in  the  New  Testament  literature  sin  is  imputed  to 
man  from  the  time  of  birth.  Not  the  body  is  evil  or 
sinful,  but  man  is  a  mutilation  of  what  was  once  per- 
fect. Evil  did  not  arise,  as  in  the  teachings  of  Plato 

7Cf.  Siegfried:  Philo.,  Gott,  1889,  pp.  234  ff;  also  Ohle: 
Beitr.  z.  Kirchengesch.,  Berl.,  1888;  Horowitz:  Untersuchun- 
gen  iiber  Philon's  u.  Platen's  Lehre,  Marburg,  1900;  cf. 
Pratt:  The  Ethics  of  St.  Augustine,  Int.  J.  of  Ethics,  Jan., 
1903,  p.  223. 

8Cf.  Philo.  De  Cherubim  D.  145,  162  (ed.  Mangey,  Erlan- 
gen,  1820). 

9Cf.  Holtzmann:  Einl.  i.  d.  N.  T.,  Freiburg,  1892,  p.  444. 

10 Cf.  Norton:  A  Transl.  of  the  Gospels,  Cambridge,  1890, 
vol.  II. 

11  Cf.  Col.  1:15-17;  I  Peter  1:20. 


234  SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN, 

and  Philo,  through  a  limitation  of  Divine  Power;  it  is 
the  result  of  man's  doing:  "For  as  in  Adam  all  die, 
so  also  in  Christ  shall  all  be  made  alive  "  (I  Cor.  15 :  22). 
Man  was  created  perfect,  but  he  transgressed  and  is 
under  the  wrath  of  God. 

Man's  nature  being  essentially  corrupt  he  is  incapa- 
ble of  any  good,  and,  therefore,  the  world  is  steeped 
in  sin. 12  Jesus  says  to  his  disciples :  "The  world 
cannot  hate  you,  but  it  hates  me,  because  I  testify  con- 
cerning it,  that  its  works  are  evil "  (John  7 :  7).13  But 
what  is  to  become  of  mankind?  Is  oblivion  to  be  its 
fate?  No,  for  the  old  Adam — the  human  race — the 
Logos,  the  Christ,  who  has  created  it,  must  die.  Since 
the  Logos  became  flesh  in  Jesus,  Jesus  willingly  sacri- 
fices himself  for  men  by  taking  their  sins  upon  himself, 
and  thus  saves  them  from  the  sin  of  Adam.  The  one 
condition  to  be  freed  from  Original  Sin  is  faith  in  the 
son  of  God,  that  he  died  as  the  Savior  of  mankind.14 
Christ  sacrificed  the  Adam  that  was  in  him,  his  godly 
nature  remained  to  fill  the  world :  "  But  God  shows 
His  love  to  us,  in  that  while  we  were  yet  sinners, 
Christ  died  for  us.  Much  more  then,  being  now  justi- 
fied in  his  blood,  shall  we  be  saved  from  the  wrath  of 
God  through  him.  For  if,  while  we  were  enemies,  we 
were  reconciled  to  God  through  the  death  of  His  son, 
much  more  being  reconciled  shall  we  be  saved  in  his 
life,  and  not  only  so,  but  also  glorying  in  God  through 

12  Cf.  Pliimacher:  D.  Pessimismus,  p.  50;  also  Joel:  Blicke 
i.  d.  Religionsgesch.,  Excursus  II. 

13  Cf.  John  15:19;  Rom.  8:19-23;  12:1,  2:  Gal.  1:4. 

14  Cf.  Pfleiderer:  "  Jesus'  Foreknowledge  of  His  Suffering," 
etc.,  in  New  World,  Sept.,  1899;  also  Schopenhauer:  Vol.  I, 
p.  519;  vol.  V,  407. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  235 

our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  we  have  now 
received  the  reconciliation."3  Touching  upon  the 
faith  in  the  Savior  as  a  necessary  means  for  man's 
redemption,  Jesus  says :  "  No  man  comes  to  the 
Father  but  by  me"  (John  14:6b).  "  I  am  the  vine, 
ye  are  the  branches"  (ibid.,  5a).  "As  the  branch  can- 
not bear  fruit  of  itself,  except  it  abide  in  the  vine,  no 
more  can  ye,  except  ye  abide  in  me"  (ibid.,  4). " 

The  idea  of  a  vicarious  atonement  is  common,  in 
some  form,  to  all  creeds.  For  in  all  men  is  present 
a  consciousness  of  guilt,  more  or  less  intense,  depend- 
ing upon  the  moral  development  of  the  individual. 
Atonement  is  the  need  of  him  who  is  imbued  with 
guilt.  For  sin  and  punishment,17  guilt  and  atonement, 
have  ever  been  regarded  as  inseparably  linked  together. 
Freedom  from  sin  and  guilt  was  sought  in  prayer  and 
sacrifices.  Among  the  Babylonians  human  gifts,  long 
litanies  and  sacrifices,  were  deemed  as  insufficient  to 
appease  the  injured  Deity,  and  a  Mediator  was  intro- 
duced to  interpose  for  the  sinner.18  Similarly,  Chris- 
tianity denies,  that  man  by  his  own  efforts  is  able  to 
free  himself  from  the  blighting  curse  Adam  left  him 
as  a  heritage.  Christ  crucified  becomes  the  atonement 
for  man's  sin.18  This  so  radical  departure  from  Old 
Testament  ethics,  that  man  is  impotent  to  improve  the 
condition  of  his  spiritual  life,  must  be  viewed  as  a 
grave  defect.  We  cannot  too  highly  estimate  the  vast 

15  Cf.  Rom.  5:8-11;  3:25;  4:24,  25;  Heb.  2:14,  15;  9:26-28. 
18Comp.  Rom.  3:25-31;  4:16;  5:12;  9:30-32. 

17  Cf.  note  41,  chpt.  III. 

18  Cf.    Wahrmund:    Babyloniertum,    Judent,    etc.,    Lpzg., 
1882,  pp.  94  f. 

19  Cf.  Matt.  26:28,  29;  Mark  10:45;  comp.  John  11:25,  26. 


236  SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN, 

amount  of  encouragement  and  inspiration  that  belong 
to  such  optimistic  conception  of  man's  moral  relation 
to  his  Maker  as  expressed  in  Deuteronomy : m  "And 
JHVH  thy  God  will  make  thee  plenteous  in  all  the 
work  of  thy  hand  ...  for  JHVH  will  again  rejoice 
over  thee  ...  if  thou  shalt  obey  the  voice  of  JHVH 
thy  God  ...  if  thou  turn  unto  JHVH  thy  God  with 
all  thy  heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul." 

But  evil  and  sin  were  due  to  one  other  cause,  besides 
that  of  the  sin  of  Adam,  i.  e.  to  the  power  of  Satan 
over  man  and  over  the  world.  While  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment he  plays  a  role  most  insignificant,  in  the  New 
Testament  he  has  assumed  the  role  of  leadership. 
The  attitude  of  the  Synoptics  and  of  John  toward 
Satan  is  clear  enough.  In  Matt.  4 :  8,  9  the  devil  takes 
Jesus  unto  an  exceeding  high  mountain,  and  shows  him 
all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world,  and  the  glory  of  them; 
and  he  (Satan)  said  unto  Jesus,  "All  these  things  will 
I  give  thee,  if  thou  wilt  fall  down  and  worship  me/' 
Jesus  and  the  Apostles  and  the  people  all  believe  in 
the  power  of  the  Evil  One.  Jesus  tells  his  disciples 
to  pray,  "Bring  us  not  unto  temptation  and  deliver  us 
from  the  Evil  One"  (Matt.  6:13).  Jesus  believed  that 
Satan  enters  into  swine  (Matt  8:  32a).  He  deemed  it 
his  mission  to  destroy  the  work  of  the  clevil  (I  Ep. 
John  3:8).  Satan  in  the  New  Testament  is  too  real 
a  personality  to  be  as  Massie  states,  "  merely  a  symbol 
of  things  wicked  and  morally  evil."  * 

The  origin  of  evil  spirits  in  the  New  Testament  is 
due  to  a  rebellion  of  angels  against  God,  which  rebel- 

20 Of.  30:9,  10  (Dt). 

21  Cf.  art.  Demons  in  Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl.,  vol.  I,  p.  159. 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  237 

lion  is  assumed  as  being  generally  known."  Thus  in 
Luke  we  read :  "  I  behold  Satan  fall  as  lightning  from 
Heaven"  (10:18).  This  is  what  Jesus  says  to  the 
seventy  when  they  return  to  him  overjoyed  at  having 
discovered  that  even  the  devils  were  subject  to  them 
through  his  name.28  In  the  heathen  mythologies  the 
rebellion  against  the  gods  took  place  where  the 
gods  dwelled;  in  the  Xew  Testament  this  was  im- 
possible; it  is  therefore  laid  on  earth,  in  Eden.2*  This 
myth  offered  excellent  opportunity  for  metaphysical 
speculation.  Adam  and  Eve,  the  first  rebels,  suffered 
punishment.25  But  as  in  Paganism  all  had  to  share  in 
the  punishment  that  followed  the  rebellion  in  Heaven, 
so  in  Christianity  all  must  suffer  because  the  first  par- 
ents had  sinned. 

In  Paganism  man  is  a  prisoner  subject  to  the  fate 
marked  out  for  him  by  the  jailer;  in  Christianity  he  is 
a  sinner  who  by  a  special  act  of  grace  of  God  may  be 
freed  from  his  burden.  Here  the  Eedeemer,  the  son 
of  God,  steps  in  and  saves  man.  Besides  the  vicarious 
atonement,  which  denies  to  man  the  power  of  self- 
regeneration,  the  mere  fact,  that  Christianity  recog- 
nizes the  world  as  out  of  joint  on  account  of  the  sin 

22  Cf.  Rev.  12:7-9;   20:1-3;  cf.  Beer's  transl.  in  Kautzsch's 
A.  u.  P.,  vol.  II,  chpts  VI-XI. 

23  In  the  Second  Targum  to  the  Bk.  of  Esther  we  are  told 
that  demons  obeyed  Solomon.     Cf.  Cassel:  Zweites  Targum 
z.  B.  E.,  Lpzg.,  1885,  chpts  II,  III;  cf.  Talm.  B.  Bathra  74b, 
where,  according  to  R.  Sol.  b.  Adereth,  Gabriel  is  God's 
agent  for  dealing  out  punishment;  also  B.  Mezia  86b,  where 
Gabriel  destroys  Sodom;  comp.  Sanhedrin  21b,  95b. 

24 Cf.  Schopenhauer:  Vol.  II,  p.  683. 
25  Cf.  Gen.  3:14ff  (P). 


238  SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN, 

of  Adam  and  the  power  of  the  Evil  One,  stamps  Chris- 
tianity as  being  pessimistic.  Hartmann  says :  "  The 
moral  guilt  of  the  first  human  pair  is  said  to  have 
had  the  deterioration  of  nature  for  its  natural  con- 
sequence. Since,  however,  the  connection  between 
moral  guilt  and  natural  world-misery,  between  hu- 
man fall  and  deterioration,  appeared  all  too  bold, 
a  superhuman  creature  must  be  introduced,  a  devil, 
who  ruined  and  brought  into  disorder  the  fair  creation 
of  God."  !  Satan,  the  adversary,  heads  a  kingdom  of 
evil  as  the  antithesis  to  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.27  Here 
we  discern  a  dualism  as  it  exists  in  the  religion  of  Per- 
sia. Jesus  speaks  of  the  kingdom  of  Satan  (Matt. 
12 :  26),  and  Paul  states  that  all  those  who  believe  not  in 
Christ  are  under  the  empire  and  power  of  Satan 
(Acts  26I18).28  The  greater  the  contrast  becomes  be- 
tween Christianity's  Idealism  and  the  Eealism  of  the 
world,  the  more  influence  is  ascribed  to  Satan.  For 
Satan  and  his  satellites  are  responsible  for  all  the  wick- 
edness that  exists  among  men.  He  sows  the  tares  that 
choke  the  true  seed's  growth  (Matt.  13 :  25),  and  goes  so 
far  as  to  tempt  the  son  of  God  (Matt.  4:1).  Jesus  dele- 
gates to  his  faithful  followers  the  power  to  deal  with  the 
devil.  "And  he  assembled  his  twelve  disciples,  and 
gave  them  authority  over  unclean  spirits,  to  cast  them 
out,  and  to  heal  all  manner  of  diseases  and  sickness."28 

26  Philos.  of  the  Unconscious,  London,  1884,  vol.  II,  p.  272. 

27  Cf.  Demonology  of  the  N.  T.  in  J.  A.  O.  S.,  Nov.,  1858, 
p.  9;  Legge:  The  Names  of  Demons  in  Proc.  of  Bibl.  Archae- 
ology, 1901,  vol.  23,  pt.  2. 

28  Cf.  Matt.  9:34;  II  Cor.  12:7. 

29 Matt.  10:1;  also  Toy:   "Relation  bet.  Magic  and  Rel.," 
J.  A.  O.  S.  20,  pp.  327-331;    H.   Spencer:   The  Principles  of 


IN  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  239 

Jesus  evidently  agreed,  says  Conybeare,  with  the 
Exorcists,  of  his  own  and  of  other  ages,  in  what  was, 
after  all,  the  essence  and  focus  of  their  superstition, 
namely,  in  the  ascription  of  physical  disease  and  of 
bad  weather  to  evil  and  unclean  spirits.80  Some  of  the 
Apostles,  as  Paul,  not  only  expelled  the  devil  but 
handed  people  over  to  him  for  the  destruction  of  the 
flesh  (I  Cor.  5 :  4,  5).31 

It  was  the  Messiah's  mission,  as  Jesus  and  the  Apos- 
tles understood  it,  to  rid  the  world  of  the  enemies  of 
God  and  man,  to  dethrone  Satan,  and  to  overcome 
disease  and  death.  Harnack  says,  that  in  Palestine 
demoniacs  must  have  been  particularly  numerous. 
Jesus  saw  in  them  the  forces  of  evil  and  mischief,  and 
by  his  marvellous  power  over  the  souls  of  those  who 
trusted  him  he  banished  the  disease. 32  There  is  one 
passage  where  Jesus  seems  to  incline  toward  the  Old 
Testament  view  that  makes  God  the  author  alike  of 
sickness  and  health.  When  asked  who  did  sin,  this 
man  or  his  parents,  that  he  was  born  blind,  Jesus 
replied:  "Neither  has  this  man  sinned  nor  his  par- 
Sociology,  N.  Y.,  1901,  vol.  I,  pp.  236  ff;  Nowack:  Lhrbch.  d. 
Hebr.  Archaeol.,  Freiburg,  1894,  vol.  II,  pp.  272  ff;  Stiibe: 
Jiid.  Babyl.  Zaubertexte,  Halle,  1895. 

30  Cf.  Conybeare:  "  Decay  of  Belief  in  the  Devil  "  in  Inter- 
national Monthly,  Mch.,  1902,  p.  304;  also  Bixby:  "  Scientific 
and  Christian  View  of  Illness,"  New  World,  Sept.,  1899,  p. 
472;  Stade:  Akad.  Reden,  etc.,  Giessen,  1899,  p.  226,  note  1; 
H.  Spencer:  Principles  of  Sociology,  N.  Y.,  1901,  vol.  I,  pp. 
226  ff;  A.  D.  White:  A  Hist,  of  Warfare  bet.  Science  and 
Theol.,  N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  II,  pp.  97-167;  Sir  Bennett:  The  Dis- 
eases of  the  Bible,  London,  1896,  p.  82. 

81  Cf.  Josephus:  Bell.  Jud.,  VII,  6:3;  Antiq.,  VIII,  2:5. 

82  What  is  Christianity?  p.  64. 


240  SIN,  ATONEMENT,  SATAN, 

ents,  but  that  the  works  of  God  should  be  made  mani- 
fest in  him  (John  9:2,  3).  Jesus  knew  that  he  was 
the  Messiah  by  the  healing  power  of  his  words  over 
those  who  were  diseased  in  body  and  disturbed  in 
mind,33  whom  he  regarded  as  in  the  power  of  Satan, 
and,  also,  by  his  power  of  raising  the  dead.  "  For 
as  the  Father  raiseth  the  dead  and  giveth  them  life, 
even  so  the  son  also  giveth  life  to  whom  he  will "  (John 
5:21).34 

33  Cf.  H.  Spencer  (Principles  of  Sociology,  vol.  Ill,  p.  194) 
states,  "  that  down  to  the  present  day  epilepsy  is  regarded 
by  many  as  due  to  possession  by  a  devil,  and  Roman  Catho- 
lics have  a  form  of  exorcism  to  be  gone  through  by  a  priest 
to  cure  maladies  thus  supernaturally  caused." 

34  Cf.  Luke  7:12-15;  Acts  10:40-43;  17-31. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
CONCLUSION 

That  the  Old  Testament  is,  in  the  main,  optimistic, 
ind  the  New  Testament  pessimistic,  has  been  estab- 
ished  in  the  preceding  chapters  by  the  following  facts. 
The  Old  Testament  lays  its  emphasis  upon  life,  life 
n  the  present.  Life  is  fair  and  man  has  been  placed 
)y  a  wise  and  good  Creator  in  a  world  that  is  good  and 
Deautiful.  God  created  the  world  and  rules  it.  Evil 
exists,  and  that  it  exists  is  not  due  to  the  nature  of 
natter,  nor  to  the  transgression  of  the  first  parents, 
lor  to  a  power  antagonistic  to  God,  but  solely  to  the 
Derverseness  of  the  human  will — for  man  is  endowed 
vith  freedom  to  choose  between  the  right  and  the 
vrong.  Israel  is  God's  chosen  people  and  may  confi- 
lently  look  forward  to  God's  salvation.  Eschatology 
lolds  but  a  subordinate  place  in  the  thought-world  of 
;he  Old  Testament.  Reward  and  punishment  are  lim- 
ted  to  this  life.  The  Messiah  is  a  political  deliverer, 
ind  resurrection  is,  substantially,  the  political  revival 
)f  the  Israelitish  nation. 

Christianity  accentuates  the  joys  and  the  glories  of  a 
'uture  life,  and  deprecates  this  life  as  a  life  of  vain  en- 
leavor.  Death,  not  a  part  of  the  original  plan  of  God, 
?ame  into  the  world  as  punishment  for  the  sin  of 
idam.  Since  then,  man  has  been  too  impotent  to 
•aise  himself  from  under  the  burden  that  has  come  to 
lim  as  a  heritage  from  his  first  ancestors.  As  a  gift 
)f  grace  God  sent  on  earth  His  son,  who  lived,  and 

16 


24:2  CONCLUSION 

suffered,  and  died  for  the  sins  of  mankind.  He  who 
wishes  to  enter  the  kingdom  of  Heaven  and  become 
reconciled  to  his  God,  must  believe  in  the  blood  of  Gol- 
gotha and  the  sacrifice  of  Calvary  as  an  atonement  foi 
the  sin  of  Adam.  Sin  reigns  in  the  mortal  body  and 
commands  obedience  to  its  lusts.  The  body  is  the 
habitation  of  death  and  corruption.  He  who  starves 
his  natural  desires  is  regarded  as  perfect.  Family  re- 
lations are  disregarded;  celibacy,  and  fasting,  and  flee- 
ing from  the  joys  of  life,  are  commendable  acts.  Pri- 
vate property  is  sinful;  wrong  and  injustice  should  be 
endured  rather  than  exposed  and  suppressed.  The 
world  is  in  the  power  of  Satan  who  tempts  man  to  sin. 
and  is  responsible  for  all  the  ills  to  which  human  nest 
is  heir.  The  rule  of  Satan  will  not  cease  until  the 
coming  of  the  Messiah  who  will  wrest  the  rule  fron 
his  hands. 


EXCURSUS  I 
EDEN 

The  general  concensus  of  opinion  seems  to  point  to 
Babylonia  as  the  home  of  the  Eden  story.  Thus  Gold- 
ziher1  presents  a  strong  argument  in  favor  of  the 
Babylonian  origin.  In  the  description  of  Eden  (Gen. 
2 : 14)  where  the  four  rivers  are  mentioned,  while  the 
first  three  are  geographically  determined,  the  fourth 
is  simply  spoken  of  as  ma  — which  implies  that  the 
river  was  so  well  known  and  its  location  a  matter  of 
such  common  knowledge,  that  there  was  no  need  to 
define  its  location — Babylon.  Gunkel 2  opines  that  the 
Babylonian  origin  is  probable.  Toy  says : 3  "  The  de- 
scription of  Eden  in  Ez.  28:13;  31:16,  18;  36:35; 
Isa.  51 :  3,  is  similar  and  yet  different  from  Gen.  2. 
The  prophet  had  before  him  not  the  narrative  in  Gene- 
sis but  a  fuller  Babylonian  account,  out  of  which  that 
in  Genesis  also  was  probably  drawn  up.  The  Babylon- 
ian origin  of  the  story  has  been  adopted  several  years 
ago  by  Professors  Lazarus 4  and  Haupt,5  who  assert 

'D.  Mythos.  bei  d.  Hebraern,  Lpzg.,  1876,  p.  387;  also 
Zimmern:  Bibl.  u.  Babyl.  Urgesch.,  Lpzg.,  1901,  pp.  20  ff; 
Hommel:  Die  altisraelit.  tlberlief.,  Miinchen,  1897,  314  ff. 

2Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  Gott.,  1895,  p.  146;  also  J.  A.  O.  S. 
9:72  f. 

8  Grit,  notes  on  Ez.  in  P.  B.  (Engl.  transl.),  p.  154;  cf. 
Haupt  in  loc. 

4  Die  rel.  polit.  u.  socialen  Ideen  d.  Asiatischen  Kultur- 
volker,  Berl.,  1872,  p.  590. 

6J.  A.  O.  S.  17:160,  note. 


244  EDEN 

that  the  exiles  brought  it  with  them  on  their  retun 
to  Palestine.  Cheyne  holds  the  same  view8 — "fron 
the  Paradise  story  of  the  Jahvist  to  the  Talmudic  de 
scription  of  the  underworld  the  Jewish  notions  of  th< 
world  beyond  nature  has  a  Babylonian  and  Assyria] 
tinge."  John  Fiske7  finds  the  origin  of  the  Paradis* 
myth  in  Persia,  and  Nork  in  India.8 

The  Palestinian  origin  of  the  narrative  is  ably  de 
fended  by  Dillmann,9  Holzinger,10  and  Engel.11  Eyle  als 
defends  the  Jewish  origin  of  the  Paradise  account : 
"  It  is  not  probable/7  he  says,  "  that  Jews  residing  ii 
Babylon  would  have  accepted  the  geographical  descrip 
tion  in  (2:  11-14)  which  contained  such  indefinite  allu 
sion  to  Assyria,  or  would  have  imported  a  mention  o 
the  fig-tree  (3:7),  a  tree  which  happens  not  to  be 
native  of  Babylonia.  It  is  better  to  account  for  th 
absence  of  any  allusion  in  the  Earlier  Prophets  to  th 
Paradise  narrative,  by  the  supposition  that  for  a  Ion. 
time  the  account  had  not  been  cleared  from  the  mythc 
logical  element,  and  could  not,  therefore,  find  admit 
tance  among  the  most  sacred  traditions  of  the  religio: 
of  Israel." 

Much  discussion  has  been  evoked  by  determining  th 
place  of  the  location  of  Paradise.  The  Septuagint  rer 
ders  n^Vi  in  Gen.  2 :11.  "  EivAdr ,"  Jerome  adopts  ths 

6  Origin  of  Psalter,  p.  391. 

7  Atlantic  Monthly,  April,  1899. 

8  Braminen  u.  Rabbinen,  Meissen,  1836,  pp.  138  ff. 
8  Gen.,  Edinb.,  1888,  vol.  I,  p.  111. 

10  Gen.,  Freiburg,  1898,  pp.  43  f. 

11 D.  Losung  d.  Paradiesfrage,  Lpzg.,  1895. 

12  The  early  narrative  of  Gen.,  London,  1892,  pp.  37  ff. 


EDEN  245 

•ading  "  Hevilath."  Kraus13  is  authority  for  the 
atement  that  the  Samaritans  do  not  read  the  final  n 
ad  he  reads  nS^n,  in  that  case  the  Septuagint  is  plain, 
ven  if  we  do  not  accept  the  proposed  emendation  the 
reek  form  gives  evidence  that  the  Greeks  had  some 
otion  as  to  the  location  of  Paradise.  Among  the 
hurch  Fathers  "  Hevilat "  signified  the  name  of  some 
Dimtry."  In  the  Talmud  n^in  is  the  name  for  India. 

13  J.  Q.  R.,  vol.  XI,  p.  675. 

"Lagarde:  Mittheil.,  Gott,  vol  IV,  1891.  For  situation  of 
;den  see:  Delitzsch:  Wo  lag  das  Paradies?  Lpzg.,  1881; 
Eaupt  in  Uber  Land  u.  Meer,  No.  15, 1894-95;  Winer  Real  W. 
:.,  vol.  I,  pp.  284  ff ;  Herzog:  Real  Encycl.,  vol.  XX,  pp. 
32  ff ;  Schenkel's  Bibellexicon,  vol.  II,  pp.  42  ff;  J.  A.  O.  S. 
1:72  f;  The  Site  of  Paradise,  in  the  Publ.  of  Gratz  College, 
'hila.,  1897,  p.  40.  For  tree  of  life  see:  Toy's  crit.  notes 
n  Ez.  in  P.  B.  (Engl.  transl.),  p.  182;  Schrader:  KATZ 
8th  Jhrbch.  prot.  Theol.,  I,  pp.  124  ff. 


EXCUESUS  II 

ECCLESIASTES 

The  dictum  of  the  Kabbis  "  that  the  Torah  can  be 
explained  in  forty-nine  ways  " 1  (  WE  B'» )  may  espe- 
cially be  applied  to  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes.  Hart- 
mann  looks  upon  it  as  "  the  vade  mecum  of  Material- 
ism."5 Heine  calls  it  somewhere  "a  canticle  of  Scep- 
ticism." Eenan  makes  of  Ecclesiastes  another  Schop- 
enhauer.8 Delitzsch  speaks  of  the  book  as  "  an  elo- 
quent sermon  on  the  fear  of  God."  Cheyne,  in  a  simi- 
lar strain,  asserts  that  the  book  is  built  upon  a  true 
Israelitish  foundation.  *  In  the  form  in  which  the 
book  has  been  handed  down  to  us  all  these  opinions 
have  some  justification.  For  one  must  bear  in  mind, 
as  Prof.  Haupt  has  pointed  out,5  that  half  of  the  book 
"is  made  up  of  subsequent  additions,  the  work  of  the 
theological  editor  of  the  book.  These  additions  are 
either  theological  in  character  to  make  the  views  of 
the  original  more  pleasing  to  the  pious,  or  they  are 

1Talm.  Nedarim  38a;   Rosh-Hashanah  21b. 

2 "  Koheleth,  das  Brevier  des  allermodernsten  Materialis- 
mus  und  der  aussersten  Blasiertheit "  (D.  Lied  vom  Ewigen, 
St.  Gallen,  1859,  p.  12;  cf  also  Schopenhauer:  Griesbach  ed., 
vol.  II,  chpts.  49,  50. 

8 "  L'auteur  nous  apparait  comme  un  Schopenhauer " 
(L'Ecclesiaste,  Paris,  1882,  p.  90);  cf.  also  Siegfried:  Predi- 
ger  (Hdk.  z.  A.  T.),  Gott.,  1898;  Dillon:  The  Sceptics  of  the 
O.  T.,  London,  1895,  p.  113. 

4  Job  and  Solomon,  N.  Y.,  1889,  p.  202. 

5  The  Bk.  of  Eccl.  (Oriental  Studies),  Boston,  1894,  p.  244. 


248  ECCLESIASTES 

mere  explanatory  glosses.  Thus  the  pessimistic  senti- 
ment voiced  in  8  :  14  :  "  There  is  vanity  which  is  done 
on  earth:  to  righteous  men  that  happens  which  should 
befall  wrongdoers,  and  that  betides  criminals  which 
should  fall  to  the  lot  of  the  upright,"  is  refuted  by 
the  editor  in  8:12,13:  "Though  a  sinner  do  evil  a 
hundred  times,  and  prolong  his  days,  yet  surely  I  know 
that  it  shall  be  well  with  them  that  fear  God,  that 
fear  before  Him,  but  it  shall  not  be  well  with  the 
wicked."  6 

The  explanatory  gloss  finds  illustration  in  3  :  21  : 

"  Who  knoweth  the  spirit  of  man,  whether  it  goeth  up- 
ward, and  the  spirit  of  the  beast  whether  it  goeth  down- 
ward to  the  earth.  The  words  '  to  the  earth  '  are  in  ex- 
planation of  '  downward  '  " 


It  has  been  pointed  out  by  Kaufman  8  that  the  clos- 
ing sentences  of  the  book  were  added  later  to  save  it? 
orthodox  character. 

The  traditional  view  ascribes  the  date  of  the  book  to 
the  time  of  Solomon,  because  Solomon  was  made  by 
tradition  the  representative  of  wisdom.9  Luther  (1483- 
1546)  was  the  first  who  expressed  doubts  concerning 
the  Solomonic  authorship  of  Ecclesiastes.  In  his 
"Table-talk"  he  states  that  Koheleth  seems  to  have 
been  compiled  in  the  manner  of  the  Talmud  from 

"(Cornp.  4:5;  10:8,  which  are  glosses  on  4:6)  (10:2b,  gloss 
on  7:12)  (9:13-16,  17;  10:  2,  3,  12,  13;  7:19;  10:19b;  7:11; 
8:1,  these  are  all  glosses  on  2:15)  (ll:9b,  gloss  on  ll:9a.) 

7  3:  9-1  5,  glosses  containing  impressions  of  different  men 
on  the  catalogue  of  times  and  seasons  (3:1-8). 

8  Was  Koheleth  a  Sceptic?  (Expositor,  May,  1899,  p.  389). 

in-p  rtnp 


ECCLESIASTES  249 

many  different  sources,  perhaps  from  the  library  of 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  (170  B.  C.).  Herzfeld  favors  the 
time  immediately  before  Alexander  the  Great.10  Kue- 
nen  and  Dillon  argue  for  the  end  of  the  third  pre- 
Christian  century.  Zunz,  Hitzig  and  Noldeke,  204-187 
B.  C.  Volk  and  Oettle,  146-117  B.  C."  Renan,12  Sieg- 
fried/8 Davidson/4  are  of  the  opinion  that  judging 
by  the  language  of  the  book,  which  approaches  the 
Mishnic  idiom,  it  must  have  been  written  not  before 
125  B.  C.  Prof.  Haupt  agrees  with  Graetz  15  and  Ko- 
nig16  that  Ecclesiastes  was  written  during  the  reign 
of  Herod  (37-4  B.  C.),  that  it  is  the  latest  of  the  Old 
Testament  books.  Graetz  regards  it  as  a  satire  upon 
Herod  and  his  time.  He  finds  proof  for  the  lateness  of 
the  book  in  the  fact  that  an  old  Greek  translation  of 
it  is  not  extant,  as  the  Septuagint  translation  reminds 
us  of  Aquila."  Most  scholars  place  the  date  of  Eccle- 
siastes after  Alexander  the  Great,  when  the  Greek 
manner  and  mode  of  life  and  thought  had  begun  to 

10  Gesch.  d.  V.  Jisrael,  Nordhausen,  1857,  vol.  II,  p.  66. 

u  Die  poet  Hagiographen,  Nordlingen,  1889,  p.  108. 

12  Hist,  du  Peuple  d'Israel,  Paris,  1894,  vol.  V,  p.  157. 

18  D.  Prediger,  Gott.,  1898. 

"Davidson  in  Cheyne's  Encycl.  Bibl.,  vol.  I.  p.  1161;  also 
Peake  in  Hastings'  Diet,  of  the  B.,  vol.  I;  Barthauer:  Opti- 
mismus  u.  Pess.  in  B.  Koheleth,  Halle,  1900. 

15Comm.  z.  Prediger,  1871;  also  Graetz:  Gesch.  d.  Juden, 
vol.  Ill,  p.  237;  also  Graetz  in  Frankel's  Mtsschf.,  1869,  p. 
507. 

18  Einl.  i.  d.  A.  T.,  Bonn,  1893,  p.  247, 

17  Cf.  Dillmann:  tlber  die  griech.  ftbersetzung  d.  Qoheleth. 
in  Sitzungsber.  d.  Kgl.  Preuss.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.,  Berl.,  1892, 
pp.  3  ff ;  also  Erich  Klosterman  in  Theol.  Studien,  1885,  pp. 
153  ft. 


250  ECCLESIASTES 

permeate  the  Eastern  world.  The  influence  of  Greece 
upon  Eastern  Africa  and  Western  Asia  was  felt  most 
in  Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies,  and  in  Syria  uncter  the 
Seleucirlfe.  Jeremiah  refers  18  to  the  Juda?ans  who  had 
left  their  native  land,  and  Isaiah  to  their  dwelling  in 
Egypt  and  Assyria.19  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  both 
cities,  centres  of  Greek  civilization,,  became  the  abiding 
place  of  many  Jews.  Here,  they  were  brought  into 
contact  with  Greek  civilization,  indeed,  the  literature 
that  sprang  up  at  this  time  reflects  the  influence  of 
that  civilization. 

Especially  the  Sadducees,  as  Geiger  has  pointed  out,20 
were  attracted  by  Greek  culture.  Hellenism  was  a  bril- 
liant vice,  which,  unfortunately,  many  of  the  Jews 
were  powerless  to  resist.21  The  priesthood  itself  set 
a  bad  example  by  aping  heathenish  custom.  Thus,  the 
High-priest  Joshua  prefers  Jason,  the  Greek,  to  the 
Hebrew  name  Joshua,  and  he  was  instrumental  in  the 
introduction  of  a  gymnasium  and  public  games  into  the 
city  of  Jerusalem.22 

This  Greek  influence  met  with  stubborn  resistance 
from  the  pious,  D^TDR  22a  who  would  not  make  any 

18  43: 1-7  (586  B.  C.).  1927:13  (334  B.  C.). 

20  Urschrift,  pp.  102,  202  f. 

21Graetz:  Gesch.  d.  Juden,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  298-342  (Engl.  ed., 
vol.  I,  pp.  444  ff);  Jost:  Gesch.  d.  Judent,  vol.  I,  pp.  99-116; 
344-361;  Herzfeld:  Gesch.  d.  V.  Jisrael,  vol.  II,  pp.  436  ff; 
Back:  Gesch.  d.  jiid.  Volkes,  Lissa,  1878,  pp.  43-53;  Stern: 
Gesch.  d.  Judent,  Breslau,  1870,  pp.  24-26;  Wellhausen:  Is- 
raelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p.  242. 

22  Cf.  II  Mace.  4:9-14. 

22*Cf.  Graetz:  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol.  I,  pp.  435  ff. 


ECCLESIASTES  251 

concession  whatever.23  Thus  we  read :  "  Then  came  to 
hi.'ii  (Mattathias)  a  company  of  the  pious  (Assidaeans), 
who  were  mighty  men  of  Israel,  even  all  such  as  were 
voluntarily  devoted  unto  the  Law."  24 

The  number  of  those  who  inclined  towards  Hellen- 
ism must  have  been  quite  large  if  we  measure  the  in- 
fluence they  wielded  during  the  Maccabean  uprising 
and  during  the  time  of  the  Hasmonean  dynasty.25 

The  contact  of  Hebraism  with  Hellenism,  though 
differing  in  their  views  of  life  and  in  the  principles  of 
morality,28  was  productive  of  much  doubt.  This  may 
be  gleaned  from  the  efforts  on  the  part  of  Jewish 
thinkers  to  blend  the  two  systems  of  religion  into  one. 
Cheyne  holds  that  the  Proverbs  of  Agur  (30 : 1-4)  origi- 
nated about  that  time,  when  Jew  and  Greek  met  in 
the  Academies  and  Libraries  of  Alexandria.27 

The  fact  that  the  canonicity  of  Ecclesiastes  caused 
much  discussion  among  the  Jewish  authorities  M  favors 
the  theory  that  foreign  elements  had  crept  into  the 

23  Cf.  Schiirer:  The  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  People,  2d  ed.,  I, 
vol.  I,  p.  198;  first  German  ed.,  vol.  I,  p.  147;  Graetz:  Hist, 
of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  p.  19. 

24 1  Mace.  2:42;  comp.  7:13. 

28 135-37  B.  C. 

26  Cf.  Arnold:  Culture  and  Anarchy,  N.  Y.,  1883,  chpt.  IV. 

27  Jewish  Rel.  Life  after  the  Exile,  N.  Y.,  1898,  pp.  173-181. 

28  Cf.  Wright:  Bccl.,  London,  1888,  Excursus  II;  Haupt  in 
Oriental  Studies,  p.  245;   Schechter:   Aboth  Rabbi  Nathan, 
London,  1887,  chpt.  I;   Mishnah  Yadayim  3:5;   Talm.  Sab- 
bath 30b,  where  we  read:  R.  Jehudah  (257-320)  said:  "At 
first  the  Rabbis  intended  to  exclude  Koheleth,  because  some 
of  its  sentences  contradicted  one  another,  but  why  did  they 
not  do  so,  because  it  opens  and  closes  with  words  of  the 
Law."  Cf.  also  Zunz:  D.  Gottesd.  Vortr.,  2d  ed.,  p.  36,  note  b. 


252  ECCLESIASTES 

book.  If  we  remember  the  moral  and  intellectual  at- 
mosphere of  that  day,  we  cannot  doubt  that  this  for- 
eign influence  was  Greek.29 

It  was  largely  due  to  the  efforts  of  Antiochus  that 
Greek  civilization  obtained  a  foothold  in  Western  Asia. 
He  was  a  man  of  limited  ideas  and  of  violent  temper. 
He  conceived  the  Hellenization  of  all  his  subjects  as 
the  aim  of  his  life. 

The  Assidaeans  saw  the  danger  that  threatened  the 
existence  of  Judaism,  and  did  all  in  their  power  to 
hinder  the  removal  of  the  ancient  landmarks.  When 
Jonathan  laid  hand  upon  the  High-priesthood,30  the 
Pharisees,  the  legitimate  heirs  of  the  Assidseans,  en- 
tered a  strong  protest  and  drew  closer  around  the  Law. 

There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  Pharisees,  sus- 
picious of  all  foreign  influence,  and  including  all  the 
teachers  of  the  Law,  were  charged  with  the  fixing  of 
the  Canon.  The  Sadducees  were  too  worldly,  and  be> 
sides  there  was  enough  transpiring  to  keep  them  po- 
litically interested,  so  that  they  could  not  have  cared 
about  the  selection  of  the  books  that  were  to  make 
up  the  Canon.  The  Pharisees,  then,  having  charge  of 
the  Canon,  we  can  readily  see  why  Ecclesiastes  should 
have  been,  at  first,  rejected.  Prof.  Haupt  states : 81 

29  Of.  Schultze:  D.  jiid.  Religionsphil.  in  Gelzer's  Prot. 
Monatsbl.,  vol.  24:4;  also  Clemens:  D.  Therapeuten.  Progr. 
of  Gymn.  Fridericanum,  Kb'nigsberg,  1869;  tlberweg:  Hist. 
of  Philos.,  N.  Y.,  1896,  vol.  I,  pp.  222  ff;  Freudenthal:  Hel- 
lenistische  Studien,  Breslau,  1875-78;  Zeller:  D.  Philos.  d. 
Griechen,  Lpzg.,  1869-79,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  594  ff. 

80 152  B.  C. 

81  The  Bk.  of  Bed.,  p.  243;  cf.  also  Hitzig:  D.  Pred.  Sol. 
(Nowack),  pp.  205  ff;  Midrash  Rabboth  to  Lev.,  chpt.  28; 
Eccl.  I. 


ECCLESIASTES  253 

"  the  book  was  in  the  first  century  B.  C.  still  an  Anti- 
legomenon  until  the  Synod  of  Jabneh  (90  C.  E.)  de- 
cided in  favor  of  the  canonization  of  the  book."  This 
explains  the  many  additions  to  the  original  text  which 
were  to  neutralize  the  grossly  material  views  of  life 
found  therein.82 

Furthermore,  the  Pharisees  were  champions  of  "  the 
larger  hope."  While  in  Ecclesiastes  the  horizon  is 
bounded  by  this  life  only  —  the  Pharisees,  as  has  been 
shown  in  the  preceding  chapters,  held  the  belief  in  a 
future  life.  Therefore,  sentiments  as  expressed  by  Ec- 
clesiastes concerning  life  must  have  been  obnoxious  to 
them  :  "  Who  can  tell  whether  the  spirit  of  the  sons 
of  men  ascends  upwards,  and  the  spirit  of  the  beasts 
descends  downwards?  Certainly  the  same  fate  hap- 
pens to  man  and  beast,  there  is  no  superiority  of  man 
over  the  beast.  All  is  transitoriness."  J  "And  I  per- 
ceived that  other  good  there  is  none,  save  only  that 
man  should  enjoy  himself  in  his  work:  for  that  is  his 
portion.  For  who  can  show  him  what  shall  become 
after  him  after  his  death."  : 

In  the  Targum  Koheleth,  a  paraphrase  of  the  He- 
brew text,  the  negative  teaching  of  the  book  is  coun- 
teracted by  copious  additions  that  accentuate  future 
life  and  retribution,  which  ideas  are  lacking  in  the 
original  Hebrew  text. 

In  the  pessimistic  attitude  of  Ecclesiastes  we  may 
trace  the  influence  of  Greek  thought.  Though  this 


32  Cf.  Luzzatto  niom  "tfi;  (Vienna,  1860,  pp.  17-25);  also 
Krochmal  )DTn  OU3  miD  (Lemberg,  1863,  XI,  8);  Geiger's 
Ztschf.,  1862,  p.  154;  Jost:  Gesch.  d.  Judent.,  vol.  I,  p.  42, 
note  2.  "3:21.  "3:22. 


254  ECCLESIASTES 

influence  is  denied  by  many,  it  exists  nevertheless,"* 
and  leads  us  to  fix  the  date  about  40  B.  C.  during  the 
reign  of  Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus.  The  Mac- 
cabean  princes  failed  to  establish  peace  and  prosper- 
ity.85 Especially,  during  the  reign  of  Antigonus,  cor- 
ruption, in  high  and  low  places,  was  openly  practiced,38 
and  all  hope  for  political  independence  seemed  nigh 
vanished. 

The  author  of  the  book  was,  evidently,  a  man  of  the 
world,  one  who  had  been  in  touch  with  all  classes  and 
conditions  of  men,  but  who,  impregnated  with  the 
ideals  of  Greece,  had  ceased  to  stand  upon  Jewish 
ground  in  the  belief  in  a  Divine  Providence.  He  saw 
nothing  but  gloom  in  the  social  and  political  chaos  of 

34aGregorius  Barhebraeus  (c.  1250  C.  E.)  was  the  first  to 
assert  in  his  Chronicle,  written  in  Arabic,  that  Solomon 
shows  in  Ecclesiastes  the  influence  of  the  Pythagorean 
Empedokles  (492-432  B.  C.),  and  that  there  is  no  immor- 
tality in  Ecclesiastes.  Canon  Zirkel  in  his  "  Untersuchun- 
gen  uber  den  Prediger,"  publ.  1792,  speaks,  too,  of  Greek 
influence.  Similarly,  Siegfried,  Pfleiderer,  Tyler  (Ecclesi- 
astes, London,  1899),  Plumptre,  Graetz,  Wellhausen  (Is- 
raelit.  u.  Jiid.  Gesch.,  Berl.,  1901,  p.  241,  n.  4),  Jastrow  (The 
Study  of  Religions,  London,  1901,  p.  233,  n) ;  Fritzsche 
(Protest.  Kirchenzeitung,  1894,  No.  14)  advances  the  theory 
that  Ecclesiastes  is  made  up  of  aphorisms  gathered  by  a 
Hellenistic  Jew.  Zockler  and  Delitzsch  see  traces  of  Ori- 
ental thought  in  Ecclesiastes.  Menzel  (D.  griechische  ein- 
fluss  auf  Prediger,  Halle,  1889)  and  Prof.  Johnston  (Hop- 
kins U.  C.,  1891,  June,  p.  118)  deny  any  Greek  influence.  Cf. 
also  Thumb:  D  griechische  Sprache  im  Zeitalter  d.  Hellen- 
ismus,  Strassburg,  1901. 

S5Emmaus,  165  B.  C.;  cf.  I  Mace.  4:22;  Bethzura,  164 
B.  C.;  cf.  I  Mace.  4:28,  35. 

36  Cf.  Graetz:  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  vol.  II,  pp.  84  ff. 


ECCLESIASTES 


255 


his  day,  and  despaired  of  the  future.  Chance  for  im- 
provement there  was  none,  for  everything  is  ceaselessly 
going  on  the  same  rounds;  there  is  nothing  new  under 
the  sun  ;  nothing  endures  ;  nothing  wholly  satisfies. 


*p 

OF  THE     ' 

UNIVERSITY 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH 

I,  Adolf  Guttmacher,  was  born  January  7,  1861,  in 
Germany.  Up  to  my  eleventh  year  I  attended  the  pub- 
lic school  of  my  native  town,  then  I  moved  to  Berlin, 
where  I  attended  school  for  ten  years.  I  studied  in 
Berlin  at  the  Judische-Gemeinde  Knabenschule  and  at 
the  Teachers'  Seminary,  preparing  for  entrance,  at  the 
same  time,  for  the  Berlin  Hochschule  fur  die  Wissen- 
schaft  des  Judenthums.  In  1882  I  came  to  America. 
For  a  brief  period  I  taught  modern  languages  at  the 
Ohio  University,  Athens,  Ohio;  then  I  entered  the  He- 
brew Union  College  and  the  Cincinnati  University, 
graduating  from  both  institutions  in  1889.  I  received 
a  call  from  Fort  Wayne,  Ind.,  to  occupy  there  the  pulpit 
of  the  Jewish  congregation.  I  accepted  the  call,  remain- 
ing two  years.  During  that  time  I  was  professor  of 
French  and  German  at  the  Taylor  College,  located  at 
Fort  Wayne,  Ind.  In  1891  I  accepted  a  call  from  the 
Baltimore  Hebrew  Congregation,  which  pulpit  I  have 
occupied  ever  since.  During  the  year  1893-94  I  attended 
the  lectures  in  the  historical-political  department  at  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University.  In  the  autumn  of  1894  I 
entered  as  a  regular  graduate  student  the  Oriental  Semi- 
nary to  devote  myself,  under  the  direction  of  Professors 
Haupt  and  Johnston,  to  the  study  of  Semitic  Languages. 
I  also  attended  a  course  of  philosophy  under  Prof.  E. 
H.  Griffin. 


14  DAY  USE 

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